Keystone media: the Australian and Indigenous affairs

This article conceptualises The Australian as the nation’s ‘keystone media’ on Indigenous affairs.Nielsen’s term ‘keystone media’ captures the critical importance of particular news outlets that play what he terms an outsize role in defining the state and structure of wider media and politicalenvironments. The article analyses the factors at play in The Australian’s sponsorship of a particular political agenda for this complex field of social policy. The argument is illustrated through an examination of Indigenous health coverage from 1988 to 2008, textual analysis of 137 columnswritten by Noel Pearson, and research interviews with key actors in the Indigenous policy realm, including journalists, public servants and Indigenous commentators. Through this examination of its reporting and collaboration with Pearson, we contend The Australian has advanced a range of neoliberal and interventionist policies to government and the public.

The National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Women's Health Strategy

The National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Women’s Health Strategy was launched at the Australian Women’s Health Network (AWHN) National Conference in Hobart on the 19 May 2010. It is important to note that this Strategy does not replace other national or State and Territory documents which identify priorities and needs. The aim is to supplement existing work and contribute to the new National Women's Health Policy (NWHP) being developed. This article will outline the process of the Strategy’s development and its uses for the future.

A critical appraisal of responses to Maori offending

This article critically analyses the role that criminological theory and specific policy formulations of culture play in the New Zealand state’s response to the over-representation of Māori in the criminal justice system. Part one provides an overview of the changing criminological explanations of, and responses to, Māori offending in New Zealand from the 1980s onwards and how these understandings extended colonialist approaches to Māori and crime into the neo-colonial context. In particular, we chart the shift in policy development from theorising Māori offending as attributable to loss of cultural identity to a focus on socio-economic and institutional antecedents and, finally, through the risk factors, assessment, and criminogenic needs approaches that have gained prominence in the current policy context. In part two, the focus moves to the strategies employed by members of the academy to elevate their own epistemological constructions of Māori social reality within the policy development process. In particular, the critique scrutinises recent attempts to portray Indigenous responses to social harm as “unscientific” and, in part, responsible for the continuing over-representation of Māori in New Zealand’s criminal justice system. The purpose of this analysis is to focus the critical, criminological gaze firmly on the activities of policy makers and administrative criminologists, to examine how their policies and approaches impact on Māori as an Indigenous people.

The vanishing endpoint of settler colonialism

In this paper, we interrogate the way that narratives about the unfolding of settler colonialism through time are encoded in recent Australian Indigenous policy frameworks. We argue that the postcolonial image of a single transformative moment of radical political break is embedded in Australian policy frameworks, but is deployed in ways that fuse this idea with the moment of colonial completion and in so doing assist the colonial project. By merging the moment of decolonisation and the moment of colonial completion, temporal narratives mobilise conservative and progressive settler voices towards colonial goals. We identify three recent policy approaches: reconciliation, neoliberal contractualism and intervention, and interrogate the narratives of the present and future that they reflect and deploy. We argue these unacknowledged stories of the colonial future must be contested, so that debates about how settler and Indigenous people might live together differently across time are not foreclosed.

"Schwarzer Untertan versus schwarzer Bruder". Bernhard Dernburgs Reformen in den Kolonien Deutsch-Ostafrika, Deutsch-Südwestafrika, Togo und Kamerun

Nachdem sich in der Kolonialkrise von 1906 das Scheitern der ersten Periode deutscher Kolonialherrschaft (1885-1906) offenbarte, wurde Bernhard Dernburg die grundlegende Reorganisation der Kolonialpolitik anvertraut. Als Mann aus der Welt der Banken und Finanzen sollte er die stagnierende Entwicklung der Kolonien mit Hilfe von administrativen und wirtschaftlichen Reformmaßnahmen vorantreiben und gleichzeitig der indigenen Bevölkerung eine humane Behandlung zu garantieren. Um diese Ziele zu erreichen, verabschiedete er Reformen, die eine Rationalisierung und Humanisierung der Arbeiterpolitik vorsahen. Sowohl in der zeitgenössischen Literatur als auch in der aktuellen wissenschaftlichen Forschung wird der Amtsantritt Bernhard Dernburgs zum Leiter der Kolonialabteilung im Jahre 1906 als der „Beginn einer neuen humanen Ära“ deutscher Kolonialpolitik oder als „Wandel zum Besseren“ bezeichnet. Die Dissertation „Schwarzer Untertan versus Schwarzer Bruder. Bernhard Dernburgs Reformen in den Kolonien Deutsch-Ostafrika, Deutsch-Südwestafrika, Togo und Kamerun“ untersucht die Intention, Akzeptanz, Umsetzung und Auswirkung der reformatorischen Eingeborenenpolitik und klärt, ob die Beurteilung der Ära Dernburg (1906-1910) in der zeitgenössischen und aktuellen Forschung eine Berechtigung hat. Obwohl zumindest in der Theorie sein Konzept einer rationalen und humanen Kolonialpolitik sicherlich eine Abkehr von der bisher betriebenen Kolonialpolitik bedeutete, zeigt sich jedoch bei der Umsetzung der Reformen eine deutliche Diskrepanz zwischen Intention und Realität. Auch wenn zumindest die Bestrebung Dernburgs zur Verrechtlichung der indigenen Arbeitsverhältnisse gewürdigt werden sollte, so muss doch konstatiert werden, dass es in der „Ära Dernburg“ definitiv nicht zu einer grundlegenden Verbesserung der indigenen Lebenssituation in den deutschen Kolonien kam. Im Gegenteil, die Dernburgsche Reformpolitik beschleunigte vielmehr den Verelendungsprozess der indigenen Bevölkerung. In allen afrikanischen Kolonien verschlechterten sich mit der Intensivierung der Verwaltung die sozialen und menschlichen Beziehungen zwischen Afrikanern und Europäern. Vieles von dem, was Dernburg in seinem Programm propagierte, konnte nicht erreicht werden. Zwar führte Dernburg in Deutsch-Ostafrika, Deutsch-Südwestafrika und in Kamerun eine rechtlich bindende Arbeiterverordnung ein, jedoch unterschieden sich die Bestimmungen zum Teil erheblich voneinander, so dass von einer einheitlichen Modernisierung des kolonialen Arbeitsrechts nicht die Rede sein kann. Viele arbeitsrechtliche Bereiche, wie z.B. die Arbeiteranwerbung, Lohnzahlung, Minderjährigenschutz, Vertragsdauer, Arbeitszeit, Verpflegung und Unterkunft wurden nur unzureichend geregelt. Ähnlich negativ muss auch die Reformierung der Strafrechtspflege bewertet werden. Die Kodifizierung eines Eingeborenenstrafrechts scheiterte sowohl am Widerstand der lokalen Verwaltung als auch am Grundkonsens der Rechtmäßigkeit einer Rassenjustiz. Kolonialpolitik war auch in der „Ära Dernburg“ nichts anderes als „rohe Ausbeutungspolitik“, die zur Lösung der Arbeiterfrage beitragen sollte. Aber gerade hier, bei der Mobilisierung von afrikanischen Lohnarbeitern, war der Kolonialstaatssekretär nicht etwa mit einer „Arbeiterfürsorgepolitik“, sondern mit der Fortführung der Enteignungs- und Zwangsmaßnahmen erfolgreich gewesen. Insgesamt ist ein deutlicher Anstieg an afrikanischen Arbeitern in europäischen Unternehmen zu verzeichnen, was darauf schließen lässt, dass Dernburgs Verordnungen einen günstigen Einfluss auf die Arbeiterfrage ausgeübt haben. Obwohl nicht von einem grundlegenden Neuanfang der Kolonialpolitik gesprochen werden kann, sollte ebenso wenig bezweifelt werden, dass sich die deutsche Kolonialpolitik nicht unter Dernburg veränderte. Größere indigene Aufstände und Unruhen blieben aus, so dass während seiner Amtszeit eine systematische wirtschaftliche Erschließung der Kolonien beginnen konnte.

Guest editorial

An examination of Australian media reports over the last twelve months on the subject of Indigenous arts suggests a number of significant contradictions. Indigenous affairs Minister Amanda Vanstone called Aboriginal arts ‘Australia’s greatest cultural gift to the world’ (Australian, 24 January 2006), while the always-controversial expatriate Germaine Greer argued that much Indigenous art was in fact poor quality and ‘a big con’ (West Australian, 13 December 2005). Curators at France’s Musee du Quai Branly dedicated a wing of the new gallery to Aboriginal art. Yet many Indigenous leaders – including David Ross from the Central Land Council and Hetti Perkins, curator of Indigenous Arts at the Art Gallery of NSW – continue to publicise the widespread exploitation of Aboriginal artists in Central Australia by unscrupulous art dealers (Northern Territory News, 22 December 2005). Former head of the Northern Land Council and former Australian of the Year, Galarrwuy Yunupingu, who twenty years ago presented Bob Hawke with the painting Barunga Statement in celebration of the government’s commitment to a treaty, recently threatened to take the painting back from Parliament House in protest against ‘successive governments’’ neglect of Indigenous policy (Sydney Morning Herald, 21 January 2006). And in the performing arts, Richard Walley drew attention to the lack of professional recognition of Indigenous performing artists (Australian, 24 January 2006).

Such contradictions within the management and marketing of Indigenous arts have persisted for several years, and it was in response that this special issue of the Asia Pacific Journal of Arts and Cultural Management was initiated. As guest editors, we sought to present research that examines, more deeply and constructively, the marketing of Indigenous arts in Australia both historically and in the present. What emerges from this collection of five papers is a familiar scholarly theme: a tension between the ‘periphery’ and the ‘centre’, between outback and city, between larger and smaller Australian states and between Australia and other nations.

Jonathan Sweet’s ‘UNESCO and cultural heritage practice in Australia in the 1950s’ looks at the evolving relationship between Australia and the United Nations through an analysis of a significant touring exhibition: Australian Aboriginal Culture. Sweet pinpoints the 1950s as a period in which Australian museology’s approach to Indigenous cultures gradually changed, and in which Australian participation in UNESCO through the exhibition helped shape the ideological position UNESCO advocated. His article provides a useful historical contrast against which the following four articles may be read.

Chapman, Cardamone, Manahan and Rentschler look at local and contemporary issues in Indigenous arts marketing. Katrina Chapman’s ‘Positioning urban Aboriginal art in the Australian Indigenous art market’ investigates perceptions about contemporary urban Aboriginal art, concluding that the estrangement – and indeed stereotyping – of urban and traditional art creates a false set of values that urban artists are challenging. Similarly, Megan Cardamone, Esmai Manahan and Ruth Rentschler contrast perceptions of Aboriginal arts from the northern and south-eastern states, identifying crucial misconceptions that contribute to the value system applied to these arts. As Ruth Rentschler is a joint editor of this issue, the review process for this article has been managed by Katya Johanson as co-editor.

Two case studies of marketing the arts – which look at different artforms and in opposite sides of the country – then follow. Jennifer Radbourne, Janet Campbell and Vera Ding’s ‘Building audiences for Indigenous theatre’ analyses research on audiences and potential audiences for Kooemba Jdarra – Brisbane’s Indigenous performing arts company – to identify the ways in which audience attendance may be encouraged.

Finally, Jacqui Healy’s ‘Balgo 4-04’ provides a close examination of a unique art exhibition: a major commercial exhibition of the kind usually seen in Sydney and Melbourne, held in an arts centre in the middle of the Tanami Desert and retailing directly to collectors.

The editors are grateful to Warlayirti Artists Art Centre for permission to use the photographs that accompany Jacqui Healy’s article. We would also like to thank the contributors, Jo Caust for the opportunity to present this special issue, and Pearl Field for her assistance in putting it all together.

Failed state of health

This article reports research from the News Media and Indigenous Policymaking Project that documents the dynamic interplay between the news media and the Howard Government's policy intervention in the Northern Territory's Indigenous communities.

Indios, Moradores e Câmaras Municipais : Etnicidade e conflitos agrários no Rio de Janerio e no Espírito Santo (séculos XVIII e XIX)

This paper analyzes the processes of extinction of indigenous collective lands and villages in Rio de Janeiro and Espírito Santo, from mid-eighteenth century to the nineteenth century, giving emphasis on the role of IndigenousÆs policy aiming to delay the process. Based on the correspondence among authorities, laws, statistical reports, and petitions from the Indians themselves, we approach the agrarian conflicts among indigenous, non-Indian residents and municipal councils, focusing on the issue of controversies and discussions regarding ethnicity that played a central role in these disputes.

Que todavía no se ha acabado esto : Sobre el fin del Negocio Pacífico de Indios después de Caseros

Este trabajo se ocupa del desenlace de la política indígena que caracterizó al Rosismo, denominada Negocio Pacífico de los Indios. Se centra en el período transcurrido entre Caseros y la batalla de Sierra Chica, en 1855. Analiza qué sucedió entre los grupos nativos antes en paz con Rosas y quienes gobernaron desde 1852, y propone tres claves explicativas que se entrelazan: los cambios de planes que tuvieron las autoridades posteriores a Caseros para con los indios; los proyectos de adelantamiento de los fuertes que desde entonces se tejieron en Buenos Aires; y los conflictos políticos desatados entre esta provincia y la Confederación, que involucraron a los indígenas en uno u otro de los bandos enfrentados

Caciques, autoridades fronterizas y lenguaraces: intermediarios culturales e interlocutores válidos en Buenos Aires (primera mitad del siglo XIX)

El objetivo de este trabajo es acercarnos al conocimiento de los intermediarios culturales que habitaron el espacio fronterizo bonaerense en la primera mitad del siglo XIX. La elección de este período se fundamenta en que a lo largo del mismo se transitó por una compleja relación interétnica que derivó, a fines de la década de 1820, en la aplicación de una política indígena muy particular por parte del gobierno de Buenos Aires. Esta llevó, por un lado, al asentamiento de grupos nativos dentro del espacio provincial y, por otro, al establecimiento de alianzas con otras agrupaciones. Las cotidianas y constantes relaciones interétnicas que debieron llevarse a cabo a raíz de este proceso, produjeron la aparición de un gran número de personajes "intermediarios".

Indios, Moradores e Câmaras Municipais : Etnicidade e conflitos agrários no Rio de Janerio e no Espírito Santo (séculos XVIII e XIX)

This paper analyzes the processes of extinction of indigenous collective lands and villages in Rio de Janeiro and Espírito Santo, from mid-eighteenth century to the nineteenth century, giving emphasis on the role of IndigenousÆs policy aiming to delay the process. Based on the correspondence among authorities, laws, statistical reports, and petitions from the Indians themselves, we approach the agrarian conflicts among indigenous, non-Indian residents and municipal councils, focusing on the issue of controversies and discussions regarding ethnicity that played a central role in these disputes.

Que todavía no se ha acabado esto : Sobre el fin del Negocio Pacífico de Indios después de Caseros

Este trabajo se ocupa del desenlace de la política indígena que caracterizó al Rosismo, denominada Negocio Pacífico de los Indios. Se centra en el período transcurrido entre Caseros y la batalla de Sierra Chica, en 1855. Analiza qué sucedió entre los grupos nativos antes en paz con Rosas y quienes gobernaron desde 1852, y propone tres claves explicativas que se entrelazan: los cambios de planes que tuvieron las autoridades posteriores a Caseros para con los indios; los proyectos de adelantamiento de los fuertes que desde entonces se tejieron en Buenos Aires; y los conflictos políticos desatados entre esta provincia y la Confederación, que involucraron a los indígenas en uno u otro de los bandos enfrentados

Caciques, autoridades fronterizas y lenguaraces: intermediarios culturales e interlocutores válidos en Buenos Aires (primera mitad del siglo XIX)

El objetivo de este trabajo es acercarnos al conocimiento de los intermediarios culturales que habitaron el espacio fronterizo bonaerense en la primera mitad del siglo XIX. La elección de este período se fundamenta en que a lo largo del mismo se transitó por una compleja relación interétnica que derivó, a fines de la década de 1820, en la aplicación de una política indígena muy particular por parte del gobierno de Buenos Aires. Esta llevó, por un lado, al asentamiento de grupos nativos dentro del espacio provincial y, por otro, al establecimiento de alianzas con otras agrupaciones. Las cotidianas y constantes relaciones interétnicas que debieron llevarse a cabo a raíz de este proceso, produjeron la aparición de un gran número de personajes "intermediarios".

Indios, Moradores e Câmaras Municipais : Etnicidade e conflitos agrários no Rio de Janerio e no Espírito Santo (séculos XVIII e XIX)

This paper analyzes the processes of extinction of indigenous collective lands and villages in Rio de Janeiro and Espírito Santo, from mid-eighteenth century to the nineteenth century, giving emphasis on the role of IndigenousÆs policy aiming to delay the process. Based on the correspondence among authorities, laws, statistical reports, and petitions from the Indians themselves, we approach the agrarian conflicts among indigenous, non-Indian residents and municipal councils, focusing on the issue of controversies and discussions regarding ethnicity that played a central role in these disputes.