993 resultados para Implicit Learning
Resumo:
Alpha oscillatory activity has long been associated with perceptual and cognitive processes related to attention control. The aim of this study is to explore the task-dependent role of alpha frequency in a lateralized visuo-spatial detection task. Specifically, the thesis focuses on consolidating the scientific literature's knowledge about the role of alpha frequency in perceptual accuracy, and deepening the understanding of what determines trial-by-trial fluctuations of alpha parameters and how these fluctuations influence overall task performance. The hypotheses, confirmed empirically, were that different implicit strategies are put in place based on the task context, in order to maximize performance with optimal resource distribution (namely alpha frequency, associated positively with performance): “Lateralization” of the attentive resources towards one hemifield should be associated with higher alpha frequency difference between contralateral and ipsilateral hemisphere; “Distribution” of the attentive resources across hemifields should be associated with lower alpha frequency difference between hemispheres; These strategies, used by the participants according to their brain capabilities, have proven themselves adaptive or maladaptive depending on the different tasks to which they have been set: "Distribution" of the attentive resources seemed to be the best strategy when the distribution probability between hemifields was balanced: i.e. the neutral condition task. "Lateralization" of the attentive resources seemed to be more effective when the distribution probability between hemifields was biased towards one hemifield: i.e., the biased condition task.
Resumo:
Typically, statistical learning is investigated by testing the acquisition of specific items or forming general rules. As implicit sequence learning also involves the extraction of regularities from the environment, it can also be considered as an instance of statistical learning. In the present study, a Serial Reaction Time Task was used to test whether the continuous versus interleaved repetition of a sequence affects implicit learning despite the equal exposure to the sequences. The results revealed a sequence learning advantage for the continuous repetition condition compared to the interleaved condition. This suggests that by repetition, additional sequence information was extracted although the exposure to the sequences was identical as in the interleaved condition. The results are discussed in terms of similarities and potential differences between typical statistical learning paradigms and sequence learning.
Resumo:
The aim of this experiment was to determine the effectiveness of two video-based perceptual training approaches designed to improve the anticipatory skills of junior tennis players. Players were assigned equally to an explicit learning group, an implicit learning group, a placebo group or a control group. A progressive temporal occlusion paradigm was used to examine, before and after training, the ability of the players to predict the direction of an opponent's service in an in-vivo on-court setting. The players responded either through hitting a return stroke or making a verbal prediction of stroke direction. Results revealed that the implicit learning group, whose training required them to predict serve speed direction while viewing temporally occluded video footage of the return-of-serve scenario, significantly improved their prediction accuracy after the training intervention. However, this training effect dissipated after a 32 day unfilled retention interval. The explicit learning group, who received instructions about the specific aspects of the pre-contact service kinematics that are informative with respect to service direction, did not demonstrate any significant performance improvements after the intervention. This, together with the absence of any significant improvements for the placebo and control groups, demonstrated that the improvement observed for the implicit learning group was not a consequence of either expectancy or familiarity effects.
Resumo:
Dans le domaine de la perception, l'apprentissage est contraint par la présence d'une architecture fonctionnelle constituée d'aires corticales distribuées et très spécialisées. Dans le domaine des troubles visuels d'origine cérébrale, l'apprentissage d'un patient hémi-anopsique ou agnosique sera limité par ses capacités perceptives résiduelles, mais un déficit de reconnaissance visuelle de nature apparemment perceptive, peut également être associé à une altération des représentations en mémoire à long terme. Des réseaux neuronaux distincts pour la reconnaissance - cortex temporal - et pour la localisation des sons - cortex pariétal - ont été décrits chez l'homme. L'étude de patients cérébro-lésés confirme le rôle des indices spatiaux dans un traitement auditif explicite du « where » et dans la discrimination implicite du « what ». Cette organisation, similaire à ce qui a été décrit dans la modalité visuelle, faciliterait les apprentissages perceptifs. Plus généralement, l'apprentissage implicite fonde une grande partie de nos connaissances sur le monde en nous rendant sensible, à notre insu, aux règles et régularités de notre environnement. Il serait impliqué dans le développement cognitif, la formation des réactions émotionnelles ou encore l'apprentissage par le jeune enfant de sa langue maternelle. Le caractère inconscient de cet apprentissage est confirmé par l'étude des temps de réaction sériels de patients amnésiques dans l'acquisition d'une grammaire artificielle. Son évaluation pourrait être déterminante dans la prise en charge ré-adaptative. [In the field of perception, learning is formed by a distributed functional architecture of very specialized cortical areas. For example, capacities of learning in patients with visual deficits - hemianopia or visual agnosia - from cerebral lesions are limited by perceptual abilities. Moreover a visual deficit in link with abnormal perception may be associated with an alteration of representations in long term (semantic) memory. Furthermore, perception and memory traces rely on parallel processing. This has been recently demonstrated for human audition. Activation studies in normal subjects and psychophysical investigations in patients with focal hemispheric lesions have shown that auditory information relevant to sound recognition and that relevant to sound localisation are processed in parallel, anatomically distinct cortical networks, often referred to as the "What" and "Where" processing streams. Parallel processing may appear counterintuitive from the point of view of a unified perception of the auditory world, but there are advantages, such as rapidity of processing within a single stream, its adaptability in perceptual learning or facility of multisensory interactions. More generally, implicit learning mechanisms are responsible for the non-conscious acquisition of a great part of our knowledge about the world, using our sensitivity to the rules and regularities structuring our environment. Implicit learning is involved in cognitive development, in the generation of emotional processing and in the acquisition of natural language. Preserved implicit learning abilities have been shown in amnesic patients with paradigms like serial reaction time and artificial grammar learning tasks, confirming that implicit learning mechanisms are not sustained by the cognitive processes and the brain structures that are damaged in amnesia. In a clinical perspective, the assessment of implicit learning abilities in amnesic patients could be critical for building adapted neuropsychological rehabilitation programs.]
Resumo:
This study examined the effects of providing students with explicit instruction in how to use a repertoire of reading comprehension strategies and test taking skills when reading and responding to three types of questions (direct, inferential, critical). Specifically, the study examined whether providing students with a "model" of how to read and respond to the text and to the comprehension questions improved their reading comprehension relative to providing them with implicit instruction on reading comprehension strategies and test taking skills. Students' reading comprehension and test taking performance scores were compared as a function of instructional condition. Students from 2 grade 8 classes participated in this study. The reading component of the Canadian Achievement Tests, Third Edition (CAT/3) was used to identify students' level of reading comprehension prior to the formal instructional sessions. Students received either explicit instruction, which involved modelling, or implicit instruction, which consisted of review and discussion of the strategies to be used. Comprehension was measured through the administration of formative tests after each instructional session. The formative tests consisted of reading comprehension questions pertaining to a specific form of text (narrative, informational, graphic). In addition, students completed 3 summative tests and a delayed comprehension test which consisted of the alternative version of the CAT/3 standardized reading assessment. These data served as a posttest measure to determine whether students had shown an improvement in their reading comprehension skills as a result of the program delivery. There were significant differences in students' Canadian Achievement Test performance scores prior to the onset of the study. Students in the implicit group attained significantly higher comprehension scores than did students in the explicit group. The results from the program sessions indicated no significant differences in reading comprehension between the implicit and explicit conditions, with the exception of the 6th session involving the reading and interpreting of graphic text. Students in the explicit group performed significantly better when reading and interpreting graphic text than those in the implicit group. No significant differences were evident between the two study conditions across the three summative tests. Upon completion of the study, the results from the Canadian Achievement Test indicated no significant differences in performance between the two study conditions. The findings from this study reveal the effectiveness of providing students with explicit strategy instruction when reading and responding to various forms of text. Modelling the appropriate reading comprehension strategies and test taking skills enabled students to apply the same thought processes to their own independent work. This form of instruction enabled students in the explicit group to improve in their abilities to comprehend and respond to text and therefore should be incorporated as an effective form of classroom teaching.
Resumo:
In this reply to Neal and Hesketh and to the commentators, we argue that implicit knowledge is partly abstract and can be usefully defined by the criteria of both metaknowledge and intentional control. We suggest that the pattern of dissociations supports a claim of separate implicit and explicit learning modes. According to our characterization, implicit learning leads to knowledge that is not automatically represented as knowledge by the learning process; instead, the presence of knowledge has to be inferred by the subject (partial explicitation) if metaknowledge is gained at all. During explicit learning, knowledge is automatically labeled as knowledge by the learning process, so that metaknowledge comes immediately and to the fullest extent. Finally, we suggest that implicit knowledge may to some degree apply regardless of intention.
Resumo:
The efficacy of explicit and implicit learning paradigms was examined during the very early stages of learning the perceptual-motor anticipation task of predicting ball direction from temporally occluded footage of soccer penalty kicks. In addition, the effect of instructional condition on point-of-gaze during learning was examined. A significant improvement in horizontal prediction accuracy was observed in the explicit learning group; however, similar improvement was evident in a placebo group who watched footage of soccer matches. Only the explicit learning intervention resulted in changes in eye movement behaviour and increased awareness of relevant postural cues. Results are discussed in terms of methodological and practical issues regarding the employment of implicit perceptual training interventions. (c) 2005 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
Resumo:
The communicative approach to language learning is widely taught in Western education, and yet its predecessor, the grammar-translation method, is still commonly employed in other parts of the world. In Sweden, the increasing popularity of the communicative approach is often justified by the high level of students’ communicative skills (Öhman, 2013). At the same time, students’ written texts and speech contain many grammatical errors (Öhman, 2013). Consequently, being aware of their tendency to produce grammatical errors, some students express beliefs regarding both the explicit and implicit learning of grammar (Sawir, 2005; Boroujeni, 2012). The objective of this thesis is to gain more knowledge regarding students’ beliefs concerning the learning of English grammar at the upper secondary level, in Sweden. With this purpose a survey was conducted in two schools in Sweden, where 49 upper-secondary English students participated. Qualitative and quantitative methods were applied to process the collected data. Despite some difference in the participants’ ages, there were many similarities in their attitudes towards the teaching and learning of grammar. The results show that the participants in both schools believe that only by applying both, explicit and implicit methods, can they obtain a high level of language proficiency. The results of this study can help teachers in planning different activities that enhance the students’ knowledge of grammar.
Resumo:
This article summarizes current concepts of the working memory with regard to its role within emotional coping strategies. In particular, it focuses on the fact that the limited capacity of the working memory to process now-relevant information can be turned into an advantage, when the individual is occupied by dealing with unpleasant emotion. Based on a phenomenon known as dual-task interference (DTI), this emotion can be chased by intense arousal due to clearly identifiable external stressors. Thus, risk perception might be used as a 'DTI inductor' that allows avoidance of unpleasant emotion. Successful mastery of risk adds a highly relevant dopaminergic component to the overall experience. The resulting mechanism of implicit learning may contribute to the development of a behavioural addiction. Besides its putative effects in the development of a behavioural addiction, the use of DTI might be of a more general interest for the clinical practice, especially in the field of psychotherapy. © 2013 S. Karger AG, Basel.
Resumo:
This article describes the long-lasting psychological after-effects of a traumatic experience. There is growing lmowledge of the biomedical underpinnings of these phenomena: the underlying mechanisms belong to an implicit learning process whereby the victim remains under the influence of painful past experiences. One of these mechanisms concerns the development of a traumatic bonding which Iioticeably impedes the establishment of interpersona! relationships. The other mechanism, called "contextualisation deficit", is the difficulty of adjusting a person's emotional and behavioural reactivity to the context of present day !ife. This capacity of a traumatic experience to become incrusted long-termina human being's mind, and to haunt the victim with various forms of psychological and physical suffering, can be compared with the presence of a tumour or an abscess in somatic medicine. Th us, severe drug addiction can be conceptualised as a disorder in which the patient tries - in most cases ineffectively - to soothe the pain of today's world in cmmection with the trauma of the past. In conclusion, this article urges the development of psychiatrie care programmes which operate at the centre of the suffering encountered by the se patients, as a complement to the already well-established offers such as harm reduction, substitution therapy and social support.
Resumo:
The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.
Resumo:
The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.
Resumo:
The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.