997 resultados para Hundred (Political Division)
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Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal
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The principal objective of this paper is to identify the relationship between the results of the Canadian policies implemented to protect female workers against the impact of globalization on the garment industry and the institutional setting in which this labour market is immersed in Winnipeg. This research paper begins with a brief summary of the institutional theory approach that sheds light on the analysis of the effects of institutions on the policy options to protect female workers of the Winnipeg garment industry. Next, this paper identifies the set of beliefs, formal procedures, routines, norms and conventions that characterize the institutional environment of the female workers of Winnipeg’s garment industry. Subsequently, this paper describes the impact of free trade policies on the garment industry of Winnipeg. Afterward, this paper presents an analysis of the barriers that the institutional features of the garment sector in Winnipeg can set to the successful achievement of policy options addressed to protect the female workforce of this sector. Three policy options are considered: ethical purchasing; training/retraining programs and social engagement support for garment workers; and protection of migrated workers through promoting and facilitating bonds between Canada’s trade unions and trade unions of the labour sending countries. Finally, this paper concludes that the formation of isolated cultural groups inside of factories; the belief that there is gender and race discrimination on the part of the garment industry management against workers; the powerless social conditions of immigrant women; the economic rationality of garment factories’ managers; and the lack of political will on the part of Canada and the labour sending countries to set effective bilateral agreements to protect migrate workers, are the principal barriers that divide the actors involved in the garment industry in Winnipeg. This division among the principal actors of Winnipeg’s garment industry impedes the change toward more efficient institutions and, hence, the successful achievement of policy options addressed to protect women workers.
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This paper examines some broad issues concerning the role that conservation policy plays in statutory planning in Britain. It argues that planning contains a number of different, often conflicting, objectives. Conservation, in contributing to one of these objectives, exacerbates this conflict. The paper further argues that since different objectives are accorded different priorities depending upon the prevailing political ideology, conservation policy is not only operating within the context of possibly opposing planning objectives, but also within a particular political environment which will separately determine the degree of importance attached to it. The British example is used to explore these themes, particularly in examining the ideological basis for the redefinition of preservation and protection away from their welfarist traditions towards issues of private rights and market supremacy. The paper concludes that rather than contributing to social welfare, planning and conservation policy is now contributing to the increasing division between rich and poor in society.
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Este estudo analisa o trabalho dos artesãos ceramistas num dos principais pólos produtores de artesanato paraense no bairro do Paracuri, em Icoaraci, Belém/PA, o qual se constituiu o campo da pesquisa. Este bairro concentra cerca de 80 (oitenta) olarias e envolve diretamente cerca de 220 (duzentos e vinte) ceramistas na produção de artesanato em cerâmica, predominantemente, de grafismo Marajoara. Metodologicamente, o estudo é referenciado pela abordagem crítico-dialética. Como instrumentos de coleta de dados foram utilizados: a) documentos; b) observação da dinâmica de trabalho nas olarias e entrevista semiestruturada. Teve 24 (vinte e quatro) sujeitos da pesquisa, assim estratificados: 15 (quinze) artesãos ceramistas, 08 (oito) vendedores de peças artesanais confeccionadas em Icoaraci e 01 (um) gestor de órgão público responsável pela execução de política pública em nível estadual destinada ao artesanato. O trabalho encontra-se estruturado em: introdução, em que se apresentam as reflexões iniciais sobre o objeto de estudo, a segunda parte que se refere ao trabalho artesanal na dinâmica econômica da Amazônia brasileira, a terceira que trata das particularidades do trabalho dos artesãos ceramistas em Icoaraci com base extrativista, destacando que essa forma de trabalho no Estado do Pará remonta ao período colonial. A quarta parte analisa o trabalho dos artesãos ceramistas. Ao final, foram efetuadas as considerações sobre os principais resultados destacando que, por meio desta forma de trabalho os artesãos ocupam um lugar no mercado de trabalho, visto que o processo de trabalho é atrativo para visitantes e turistas que procuram o bairro pela produção de peças com grafismo marajoara, dentre outros. Esta forma de trabalho é a principal fonte de renda desses trabalhadores. Em que pese a importância desta forma de trabalho para a reprodução social dos artesãos pesquisados e para a constituição desse bairro como polo produtor de artesanato, a base deste trabalho é extrativista, o que remonta ao período colonial no Estado do Pará. Assim, essa forma de trabalho dos artesãos ceramistas em Icoaraci-Belém/PA é determinada pela dinâmica econômica, social, política e cultural da Amazônia brasileira. Sendo assim, a continuação desse trabalho no Estado do Pará está relacionada, diretamente, aos seguintes aspectos: savoir-faire, organização social dos mesmos em associações e cooperativas e ações pautadas na agenda das várias políticas públicas (Turismo, Meio Ambiente, Indústria e Comércio etc). As particularidades do trabalho artesanal em Icoaraci expressam que as condições precárias de trabalho e de vida dos ceramistas estão relacionadas ao lugar que a Amazônia brasileira vem ocupando na divisão internacional do trabalho. Assim, a trajetória histórica de exportadora de produtos primários traduz-se como limite à melhoria das condições de vida e de trabalho desses artesãos, os quais trabalham em condições precárias e, nessa condição, contribuem para a acumulação do capital. Neste sentido, demandam uma análise das múltiplas determinações deste trabalho na perspectiva da melhoria das condições de vida e de trabalho dos referidos artesãos ceramistas.
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In this critical analysis of sociological studies of the political subsystem in Yugoslavia since the fall of communism Mr. Ilic examined the work of the majority of leading researchers of politics in the country between 1990 and 1996. Where the question of continuity was important, he also looked at previous research by the writers in question. His aim was to demonstrate the overall extent of existing research and at the same time to identify its limits and the social conditions which defined it. Particular areas examined included the problems of defining basic concepts and selecting the theoretically most relevant indicators; the sources of data including the types of authentic materials exploited; problems of research work (contacts, field control, etc.); problems of analysisl and finally the problems arising from different relations with the people who commission the research. In the first stage of the research, looking at methods of defining key terms, special attention was paid to the analysis of the most frequently used terms such as democracy, totalitarianism, the political left and right, and populism. Numerous weaknesses were noted in the analytic application of these terms. In studies of the possibilities of creating a democratic political system in Serbia and its possible forms (democracy of the majority or consensual democracy), the profound social division of Serbian society was neglected. The left-right distinction tends to be identified with the government-opposition relation, in the way of practical politics. The idea of populism was used to pass responsibility for the policy of war from the manipulator to the manipulated, while the concept of totalitarianism is used in a rather old-fashioned way, with echoes of the cold war. In general, the terminology used in the majority of recent research on the political subsystem in Yugoslavia is characterised by a special ideological style and by practical political material, rather than by developed theoretical effort. The second section of analysis considered the wider theoretical background of the research and focused on studies of the processes of transformation and transition in Yugoslav society, particularly the work of Mladen Lazic and Silvano Bolcic, who he sees as representing the most important and influential contemporary Yugoslav sociologists. Here Mr. Ilic showed that the meaning of empirical data is closely connected with the stratification schemes towards which they are oriented, so that the same data can have different meanings in shown through different schemes. He went on to show the observed theoretical frames in the context of wider ideological understanding of the authors' ideas and research. Here the emphasis was on the formalistic character of such notions as command economy and command work which were used in analysing the functioning and the collapse of communist society, although Mr. Ilic passed favourable judgement on the Lazic's critique of political over-determination in its various attempts to explain the disintegration of the communist political (sub)system. The next stage of the analysis was devoted to the problem of empirical identification of the observed phenomena. Here again the notions of the political left and right were of key importance. He sees two specific problems in using these notion in talking about Yugoslavia, the first being that the process of transition in the FR Yugoslavia has hardly begun. The communist government has in effect remained in power continuously since 1945, despite the introduction of a multi-party system in 1990. The process of privatisation of public property was interrupted at a very early stage and the results of this are evident on the structural level in the continuous weakening of the social status of the middle class and on the political level because the social structure and dominant form of property direct the majority of votes towards to communists in power. This has been combined with strong chauvinist confusion associated with the wars in Croatia and Bosnia, and these ideas were incorporated by all the relevant Yugoslav political parties, making it more difficult to differentiate between them empirically. In this context he quotes the situation of the stream of political scientists who emerged in the Faculty of Political Science in Belgrade. During the time of the one-party regime, this faculty functioned as ideological support for official communist policy and its teachers were unable to develop views which differed from the official line, but rather treated all contrasting ideas in the same way, neglecting their differences. Following the introduction of a multi-party system, these authors changed their idea of a public enemy, but still retained an undifferentiated and theoretically undeveloped approach to the issue of the identification of political ideas. The fourth section of the work looked at problems of explanation in studying the political subsystem and the attempts at an adequate causal explanation of the triumph of Slobodan Milosevic's communists at four subsequent elections was identified as the key methodological problem. The main problem Mr. Ilic isolated here was the neglect of structural factors in explaining the voters' choice. He then went on to look at the way empirical evidence is collected and studied, pointing out many mistakes in planning and determining the samples used in surveys as well as in the scientifically incorrect use of results. He found these weaknesses particularly noticeable in the works of representatives of the so-called nationalistic orientation in Yugoslav sociology of politics, and he pointed out the practical political abuses which these methodological weaknesses made possible. He also identified similar types of mistakes in research by Serbian political parties made on the basis of party documentation and using methods of content analysis. He found various none-sided applications of survey data and looked at attempts to apply other sources of data (statistics, official party documents, various research results). Mr. Ilic concluded that there are two main sets of characteristics in modern Yugoslav sociological studies of political subsystems. There are a considerable number of surveys with ambitious aspirations to explain political phenomena, but at the same time there is a clear lack of a developed sociological theory of political (sub)systems. He feels that, in the absence of such theory, most researcher are over-ready to accept the theoretical solutions found for interpretation of political phenomena in other countries. He sees a need for a stronger methodological bases for future research, either 1) in complementary usage of different sources and ways of collecting data, or 2) in including more of a historical dimension in different attempts to explain the political subsystem in Yugoslavia.
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dressée d'après le Salnamé 1899/1317 par R. Huber.
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Advertising matter included in paging.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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This study contemplates reports and reflections about gender and the interfaces with work, power and woman's political participation within the Bororo indigenous communities in Mato Grosso, Guarani/Kaiowá and Kadiwéu ones, in Mato Grosso do Sul. In the study with the Bororo community, the woman valorization occurred because she represents the guardian of the culture and of the traditional knowledge, and at the same time, she is an important speaker for the Bororo and the non indigenous society. In the case of Guarani/Kaiowá community, the most important facts are, on one side, the departure of the men and their wish to become city men, and on the other, the women who wish or need to keep the Guarani identity and live in the reserve. In the Kadiwéu community, the most important fact is the women political power and a role division between men and women, without the attribution of more value to one role or the other.
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Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física
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Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física