727 resultados para Health of Indigenous Peoples
Resumo:
The gross overrepresentation of Indigenous peoples in prison populations suggests that sentencing may be a discriminatory process. Using findings from recent (1991–2011) multivariate statistical sentencing analyses from the United States, Canada, and Australia, we review the 3 key hypotheses advanced as plausible explanations for baseline sentencing discrepancies between Indigenous and non-Indigenous adult criminal defendants: (a) differential involvement, (b) negative discrimination, and (c) positive discrimination. Overall, the prior research shows strong support for the differential involvement thesis and some support for the discrimination theses (positive and negative). We argue that where discrimination is found, it may be explained by the lack of a more complete set of control variables in researchers’ multivariate models and/or differing political and social contexts.
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In the album Journey, Archie Roach -- the Australian Indigenous singer-songwriter hailing from Mooroopna in Victoria - has a melancholy song called ‘Travell’n Bones.' It is about the repatriation of Indigenous ancestral remains to their rightful home. This Chapter considers the legal, ethical, and cultural conflicts over Australian indigenous remains being held in museums, in Australia, the United Kingdom, the European Union, and the United States. James Nason comments: ‘The explosion of legal and extra legal attention on issues of cultural property and heritage was born of the frustration and anger of indigenous peoples whose rights and perspectives about cultural property and heritage issues had been largely absent and essentially unwanted by the museum of community.' Part I focuses upon disputes in Australia involving the repatriation of Indigenous Australian remains. In Bropho v HREOC, there was controversy over a cartoon, mocking the repatriation of the remains of Yagan, an Indigenous warrior, to Western Australia. There was a discussion about the operation of the Racial Discrimination Act 1975 (Cth), and the exemptions available from the operation of the regime. Part II considers the efforts by The Te Papa Tongarewa - the Museum of New Zealand - to repatriate Maori and Moriori ancestral remains to New Zealand, and to iwi communities of origin. The conclusion considers the relevance of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Persons 2007, and issues raised by ventures such as the Genographic Project.
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Issues concerning indigenous peoples (IPs) in Russia have become a “hot topic” despite the fact that they represent only 0.2 percent of the population. Constant amendments to the laws affecting the life of IPs and lawsuits filed before local Courts denouncing the violations of IPs’ rights are signs of the struggle surrounding these indigenous peoples. Moreover, between 2012 and 2013, the Russian Association of Indigenous Peoples of the North (RAIPON), the umbrella organization of IPs in the country, was ordered to shut down and subsequently given the permission to reopen by the Russian Ministry of Justice within the course of less than six months. This article aims to gain a deeper understanding of the recent developments vis-à-vis indigenous peoples’ legal protection and IPs’ increasing efforts to exercise their rights.
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This book draws together relevant research findings to produce the first comprehensive overview of Indigenous peoples' mobility. Chapters draw from a range of disciplinary sources, and from a diversity of regions and nation-states. Within nations, mobility is the key determinant of local population change, with implications for service delivery, needs assessment, and governance. Mobility also provides a key indicator of social and economic transformation. As such, it informs both social theory and policy debate. For much of the twentieth century conventional wisdom anticipated the steady convergence of socio-demographic trends, seeing this as an inevitable concomitant of the development process. However, the patterns and trends in population movement observed in this book suggest otherwise, and provide a forceful manifestation of changing race relations in these new world settings. © 2009 Informa plc
Resumo:
O objetivo deste estudo foi interpretar a realidade social e política, na qual se estabelece o cuidado intercultural vivenciado por indivíduos na zona de intermedicalidade de uma aldeia, partindo da perspectiva dos usuários indígenas e dos profissionais de saúde ameríndios e não-indígenas. As bases teóricas que ancoraram a coleta e análise interpretativa dos dados incluíram: a Etnografia, Antropologia Interpretativa, Modelos explanatórios e abordagem cultural safety. Mediante aprovação do Comitê Nacional de Ética em Pesquisa, procedeu-se trabalho de campo na Terra Indígena Buriti, localizada nos munícipios Sidrolândia e Dois Irmãos do Buriti, Mato Grosso do Sul, Brasil. Realizou-se observação participante nas unidades de saúde e no cotidiano das famílias nas aldeias, bem como no Pólo de Sidrolândia. Realizaram-se entrevistas semiestruturadas com 16 indígenas usuários do serviço, 12 profissionais de saúde terenas e seis trabalhadores de saúde não-indígenas. A análise dos dados, simultânea à coleta, ocorreu na perspectiva da Hermenêutica Dialética por meio da análise temática. Os preceitos éticos foram seguidos. Neste estudo, identificaram-se dois temas: 1) \"Doença é pior que a morte: explicações sobre o processo de adoecimento\" retrata como o processo saúde-doença é interpretado pelos participantes. Saúde, para os terenas, é um aspecto primordial na vida deles. O processo de adoecer envolve a perda e/ou a redução da disposição física, psíquica e espiritual para desenvolver atividades cotidianas. Espiritualidade, higiene, alimentação e a questão da posse de terra impactam o processo de adoecimento terena. 2) \"A intermedicalidade do sistema de cuidado em saúde terena\" que retrata os significados atribuídos pelos participantes à coexistência e intercomunicações (intermedicalidade) entre as formas de cuidados em saúde terena: medicina terena, espiritualidade, modo de vida e o serviço oficial de atenção à saúde (sistema Pólo/Posto). O sistema de cuidado dos terenas revela o processo de indigenização dos serviços de saúde. A medicina terena é entendida sob dois âmbitos: um centralizado no conhecimento tradicional indígena, que inclui uso de ervas, atividades de parteiras e de \"puxadores de pernas\"; e outro nos aspectos místicos e sobrenaturais para sua execução: rezas e prática da pajelança, com destaque para redução do número de pajés. A espiritualidade como opção terapêutica é representada pela fé do terena em Deus, concretizada pela oração. O modo de vida do terena engloba principalmente dois aspectos: centralidade na família e o cuidado com higiene individual e ambiental. O sistema Polo/Posto é procurado pelo terena conforme a cartela de serviços ofertada pelas unidades e segundo suas necessidades peculiares, os casos que o terena \"não consegue resolver\". Neste âmbito de cuidado, há a produção de encontros do cuidado pautados pelo vínculo, confiança, diálogo e agir dos profissionais culturalmente sensível. Há, também, desencontros do cuidado favorecidos por prioridades estabelecidas em metas, atendimento queixa-conduta e precária infraestrutura. Observou-se um processo maciço do uso de medicação. Os aspectos identificados nos relatos dos participantes sobre o sistema de cuidado terena são atravessados pela historicidade do povo terena, questão da posse de terra, medicalização da sociedade, higienismo, integração entre corpo, cosmos e terra, espiritualidade com diversidade religiosa, cultura terena centrada na família, atividades programáticas de saúde na atenção básica, biomedicina, transporte precário e baixa resolutividade. Diabetes e hipertensão arterial foram as doenças registradas pelo Pólo e significadas pelos participantes como as principais enfermidades da população. Há a coexistência de medicinas híbridas em todos âmbitos de cuidado em saúde terena. É importante que a intermedicalidade ocorra nos espaços do sistema Pólo/Posto sem sobreposição do saber médico e/ou da lógica institucional à sabedoria terena
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Aboriginal women are treated differently by non-indigenous health care providers based on perceptions of Aboriginality and skin colour and white race privilege within health care environments. The experiences shared below are from some of the Aboriginal woman respondents in a research project undertaken within Rockhampton, a regional area in Central Queensland (Fredericks, 2003). The experiences give an insight into how the Aboriginal women interviewed felt and their observations of how other Aboriginal women were treated within health care settings based on skin colour and perceptions of Aboriginality. A number of the women demonstrated a personal in-depth analysis of the issues surrounding place, skin colour and Aboriginality. For example, one of the women, who I named Kay, identified one particular health service organisation and stated that, ‘it is a totally white designed space. There is nothing that identifies me to that place. I just won’t go there as a client because I don’t feel they cater for me as a black woman’. Kay’s words give us an understanding of the reality experienced by Aboriginal women as they move in and out of places within health environments and broader society. Some of these experiences are examples of direct racism, whilst other examples are subtle and demonstrate how whiteness manifests and plays out within places. I offer acknowledgement and honour to the Aboriginal women who shared their stories and gave me a glimpse of their realities in the research project from which the findings presented in this chapter are taken. It is to this research project that is the subject of this chapter.
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Indigenous peoples have survived the most inhumane acts and violations against them. Despite acts of genocide, Aboriginal Australians and Native Americans have survived. The impact of the past 500 years cannot be separated from understandings of education for Native Americans in the same way that the impact of the past 220 years cannot be separated from the understandings of Australian Aboriginal people’s experiences of education. This chapter is about comparisons in Aboriginal and Native American communities and their collision with the dominant, white European settlers who came to Australia and America. Chomsky (Intervention in Vietnam and Central America: parallels and differences. In: Peck J (ed) The Chomsky Reader. Pantheon Books, New York, p 315, 1987) once remarked that if one took two historical events and compared them for similarities and differences, you would find both. The real test was whether on the similarities they were significant. The position of the coauthors of this chapter is in the affirmative and we take this occasion to lay them out for analysis and review. The chapter begins with a discussion of the historical legacy of oppression and colonization impacting upon Indigenous peoples in Australia and in the United States, followed by a discussion of the plight of Indigenous children in a specific State in America. Through the lens of social justice, we examine those issues and attitudes that continue to subjugate these same peoples in the economic and educational systems of both nations. The final part of the chapter identifies some implications for school leadership.
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Major findings of the Survey of Living Conditions in the Arctic (SLiCA) are: (1) A combination of traditional activities and cash employment is the prevailing lifestyle of Arctic indigenous peoples; (2) family ties, social support of each other, and traditional activities have a lot to do with why indigenous people choose to remain in Arctic communities; (3) well-being is closely related to job opportunities, locally available fish and game, and a sense of local control. Well-being and depression (and related problems like suicide) are flip sides of the same coin. Improving well-being may reduce social problems; and, (4) health conditions vary widely in the Arctic: three-in-four Greenlandic Inuit self-rate their health as at least very good compared with one-in-two Canadian and Alaska Inuit and one-in-five Chukotka indigenous people. Findings are based on 7,200 interviews in a probability sample of Inupiat settlement regions of Alaska, the four Inuit settlement regions of Canada, all of Greenland, and the Anadyrskij, Anadyr, Shmidtovs, Beringovskij, Chukotskij, Iujl'tinskij, Bilibinskij, Chaunskij, Providenskij, Uel'Kal' districts of Chukotka. Indigenous people and researchers from Greenland, Russia, Canada, the United States, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, and Finland collaborated on all phases of the study.
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This paper represents my attempt to turn the gaze and demonstrate how Indigenous Studies is controlled in some Australian universities in ways that witness Indigenous peoples being further marginalised, denigrated and exploited. I have endeavoured to do this through sharing an experience as a case study. I have opted to write about it as a way of exposing the problematic nature of racism, systemic marginalisation, white race privilege and radicalised subjectivity played out within an Australian higher education institution and because I am dissatisfied with the on-going status quo. In bringing forth analysis to this case study, I reveal the relationships between oppression, white race privilege and institutional privilege and the epistemology that maintains them. In moving from the position of being silent on this experience to speaking about it, I am able to move from the position of object to subject and to gain a form of liberated voice (hooks 1989:9). Furthermore, I am hopeful that it will encourage others to examine their own practices within universities and to challenge the domination that continues to subjugate Indigenous peoples.
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The International Network of Indigenous Health Knowledge and Development (INIHKD) Conference was held from Monday 24 May to Friday 28 May 2010 at Kiana Lodge, Port Madison Indian Reservation, Suquamish Nation, Washington State, United States of America. The overall theme for the 4th Biennial Conference was ‘Knowing Our Roots: Indigenous Medicines, Health Knowledges and Best Practices’. This article details the experience of participants who were at the INIHKD Conference. It concludes with an encouragement to people to attend the 5th INIHKD Conference in Australia in 2012.
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With persisting health inequalities across and between diverse populations, health promotion must consider its engagement with the culture concept in achieving better health for all. By way of a conversation between an Indigenous and non-Indigenous health promotion practitioner, this unique presentation will critically examine the cultural practice of health promotion for Indigenous Australians. Culture becomes the central tenant of this conversation – but not culture in the sense of something to “fix” to improve Indigenous health, or import to make mainstream practices “culturally appropriate”. Rather, the somewhat invisible culture of Australian health promotion practice itself is highlighted. The enthusiasm of mainstream health promotion practice for risk and reductionism supplants biological determinism with a cultural determinism that constructs culture as illness-producing. This is in contrast to Indigenous perspectives of culture in which it is described as integral to individual and community health and well-being. Whilst empowerment features strongly within global health promotion discourses, the preoccupation of health promotion with the inherent deficit/behavioural change approach is an all too convenient distraction from the broader structural factors impacting on the health of Indigenous Australians. That Indigenous Australians have not benefitted from successful public health policy interventions in the same way as the general population is in itself revealing of the culture of health promotion practice in Australia and it is somewhat ironic that the health promotion fraternity seems not to have questioned its own practice. This conversation aims to encourage health promotion practitioners, researchers and policy makers to interrogate the cultural assumptions of their own practice and of the public health system they are part of and consider how to embed and empower the voices and experiences of those who are ‘culturally othered’ within health promotion practice.
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Background Despite the burden of acute respiratory illnesses (ARI) among Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children being a substantial cause of childhood morbidity and associated costs to families, communities and the health system, data on disease burden in urban children are lacking. Consequently evidence-based decision-making, data management guidelines, health resourcing for primary health care services and prevention strategies are lacking. This study aims to comprehensively describe the epidemiology, impact and outcomes of ARI in urban Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children (hereafter referred to as Indigenous) in the greater Brisbane area. Methods/design A prospective cohort study of Indigenous children aged less than five years registered with a primary health care service in Northern Brisbane, Queensland, Australia. Children are recruited at time of presentation to the service for any reason. Demographic, epidemiological, risk factor, microbiological, economic and clinical data are collected at enrolment. Enrolled children are followed for 12 months during which time ARI events, changes in child characteristics over time and monthly nasal swabs are collected. Children who develop an ARI with cough as a symptom during the study period are more intensely followed-up for 28(±3) days including weekly nasal swabs and parent completed cough diary cards. Children with persistent cough at day 28 post-ARI are reviewed by a paediatrician. Discussion Our study will be one of the first to comprehensively evaluate the natural history, epidemiology, aetiology, economic impact and outcomes of ARIs in this population. The results will inform studies for the development of evidence-based guidelines to improve the early detection, prevention and management of chronic cough and setting of priorities in children during and after ARI.