50 resultados para Hagiography


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At Vita Columbae VC 2.17, Adomnán has severely misunderstood a written source which originally described how Columba ordered one party to a dispute, an alleged maleficus ‘evil-doer’ called Silnán, to milk a sick cow in order to settle the dispute by demonstrating that its contaminated milk was the real, hidden cause of the harm which had occasioned the dispute. Adomnán misread a description of a bos maculosus ‘pock-marked bovine’ to refer to a bos masculus ‘male bovine’, and proceeded to misunderstand the story as the description of some form of contest between Columba and a maleficus ‘sorcerer’.

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Betha Cholmáin maic Luacháin (BCh) is a key source of information about a small ecclesiastical community of the Irish midlands in the medieval period. BCh is one of the longest medieval Irish hagiographic texts. A sole copy exists. Scholarly concern with manuscript Rennes 598, and the Life of Colmán therein, diminished following the 1911 edition of BCh. The most attention paid to BCh in the following decades focused largely on its onomastic information. The necessary detailed study of the text has not been undertaken. The present work is an initial view of significant areas of interaction between the church of Lann and its ecclesiastical, social and political milieu. While social and cultural aspects of the text may constitute the focus of this study, linguistic data is also investigated, complementary to evidence regarding its social and political testimony. In this way, light is cast on a complex ecclesiastical microcosm in the twelfth-century Irish midlands. In keeping with recent methodological work in the field a variety of tools are used to aid investigation, and to show the Life within its genre and wider context. An interdisciplinary approach will bring together strands of literary, cultural, archaeological, onomastic, historical, geographical, genealogical and hagiographical information, with reference to linguistic evidence where appropriate. This thesis seeks to suggest a template for studies undertaken on smaller church communities, and is set out in two main sections. The first section investigates the figure of the saint, his life, church, the manuscript source and the combination of prose and verse in the text. The second section examines the testimony of the Life regarding the ecclesiastical and secular concerns of the community of Lann, and how these concerns are represented. Evidence regarding the members of this community and their interaction with the church and the wider world is also discussed.

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This thesis examines the late seventh-century Latin Life of Columba (Vita Columbae) in a context sympathetic to the spiritual aims and formative intellectual background of its author, Adomnán of Iona. It argues that the Vita Columbae is a sophisticated work, shaped by Adomnán’s spiritual and theological concerns. This sophistication is revealed by a forensic examination of Adomnán’s representation of Columba’s sanctity through a series of miracles, in particular, miracle stories depicting divine manifestations of fire and light. This thesis considers the form and function of these miracle stories in the context of biblical, patristic and medieval interpretations of their archetypes, towards revealing the underlying influence of scriptural, hagiographical and monastic models of sanctity. Chapter one evaluates the function of the Vita Columbae, and outlines the core themes of sanctity which pervade the work, by considering the technical terminology and literary devices found in the opening prefaces in the context of the wider monastic tradition. Chapter two examines Adomnán’s use of biblical models of sanctity to establish Columba’s sanctity, and their relationship between these models and certain miraculous episodes in the Vita Columbae. Chapter three investigates Adomnán’s description of the Holy Spirit as an illuminating fire, and its significance for his portrayal of the saint, by means of a forensic examination of biblical, exegetical and hagiographical treatments of the image. Chapter four examines the missiological, soteriological and providential elements contributing to Adomnán’s portrayal of Columba’s sanctity, as conveyed through the presence of biblical models, particularly the image of the column of fire. Chapter five establishes the influence of monastic examinations of the contemplative life on Adomnán’s portrayal of Columba’s sanctity, and shows how that sanctity is confirmed in terms of his ability to contemplate divine light.

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Milton’s Elegiarum Liber, the first half of his Poemata published in Poems of Mr John Milton Both English and Latin (1645), concludes with a series of eight Latin epigrams: five bitterly anti-Catholic pieces on the failed Gunpowder Plot of 1605, followed by three encomiastic poems hymning the praises of an Italian soprano, Leonora Baroni, singing in Catholic Rome. The disparity in terms of subject matter and tone is self-evident yet surprising in an epigrammatic series that runs sequentially. Whereas the gunpowder epigrams denigrate Rome, the Leonora epigrams present the city as a cultured hub of inclusivity, the welcome host of a Neapolitan soprano. In providing the setting for a human song that both enthrals its audience and attests to the presence of a divine power, Rome now epitomizes something other than brute idolatry, clerical habit or doctrine. And for the poet this facilitates an interrogation of theological (especially Catholic) doctrines. Coelum non animum muto, dum trans mare curro wrote the homeward-bound Milton in the autograph book of Camillo Cardoini at Geneva on 10 June 1639. But that this was an animus that could indeed acclimatize to religious and cultural difference is suggested by the Latin poems which Milton “patch [ed] up” in the course of his Italian journey. Central to that acclimatisation, as this chapter argues, is Milton’s quasi-Catholic self-fashioning. Thus Mansus offers a poetic autobiography of sorts, a self-inscribed vita coloured by intertextually kaleidoscopic links with two Catholic poets of Renaissance Italy and their patron; Ad Leonoram 1 both invokes and interrogates Catholic doctrine before a Catholic audience only to view the whole through the lens of a neo-Platonic hermeticism that may refreshingly transcend religious difference. Finally, Epitaphium Damonis, composed upon Milton’s return home, seems to highlight the potential interconnectedness of Protestant England and Catholic Italy, through the Anglo-Italian identity of its deceased subject, and through a pseudo-monasticism suggested by the poem’s possible engagement with the hagiography of a Catholic Saint. Perhaps continental travel and the physical encounter with the symbols, personages and institutions of the other have engendered in the Milton of the Italian journey a tolerance or, more accurately, the manipulation of a seeming tolerance to serve poetic and cultural ends.


First reviewer:
Haan: a fine piece by the senior neo-Latinist in Milton studies.

Second reviewer:
Chapter 7 is ... a high-spot of the collection. Its argument that in his Latin poetry Milton’s is a ‘quasi-Catholic self-fashioning’ stressing ‘the potential interconnectedness of Protestant England and Catholic Italy’ is striking and is advanced with learning, clarity and insight. Its sensitive exploration of the paradox of Milton’s coupling of humanistically complimentary and tolerant address to Roman Catholic friends with fiercely Protestant partisanship demonstrates that there is much greater complexity to his poetic persona than the self-construction and self-presentation of the later works would suggest. The essay is always adroit and sure-footed, often critically acute and illuminating (as, for example, in its discussion of the adjective and adverb mollis and molliter in Mansus, or in the identification in n. 99 of hitherto unnoticed Virgilian echoes). It has the added merits of being very well written, precise and apt in its citation of evidence, and absolutely central to the concerns of the volume.





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‘O daughter … forget your people and your father’s house’: Early Modern Women Writers and the Spanish ImaginaryAnne Holloway and Ramona WrayHolloway and Wray consider the perspectives offered by two very different seventeenth-century women (Mary Bonaventure Browne, or Mother Browne (b.1615- and Lady Ann Fanshawe (b.1625) both of whom exchanged Ireland for Spain, and both of whom record journeys both ‘real’ and imagined in their writings. Browne’s deployment of hagiographical tropes in her History of the Poor Clares may reveal the potential impact of Iberian conventual culture; her allusions to the markers of sanctity insistent on the immutability of the body, whilst accepting and anticipating spectral presence in the form of bilocation. Fanshawe’s Memoirs are considered alongside the material legacy of her ‘Booke of Receipts of Physickes, Salues, Waters, Cordialls, Preserues and Cookery.’ Her impressions both in transit and within the domus are similarly marked by receptivity and sensitivity to the host culture. Amidst a backdrop of religious persecution and political uncertainty, in both cases Spain emerges as a potentially enabling context for creativity and self-expression.Keywords: Memoir; Franciscan; Poor Clares; Fanshawe; Mary Bonaventure Browne; hagiography; life-writing; autobiography, women writers

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Para o caso dos Eremitas de Santo Agostinho, o texto seiscentista de Frei Aleixo de Meneses acerca de Beatriz Vaz de Oliveira, constitui o mais significativo exemplo da literatura hagiográfica feminina daquela ordem.

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RÉSUMÉ Forme littéraire développée dès les débuts du IVe siècle, l’hagiographie, plus tard sanctionnée par l’Église catholique romaine, se déploie avec tout le rituel et le décorum requis par le genre institué, dévoilant les modalités du savoir et du croire qui la distingue. Cette forme fixe fut réactivée, contre toute attente, dans une somme étoffée durant la seconde moitié du XXe siècle par le Collège de ‘Pataphysique, aréopage de philosophes, littérateurs et plasticiens, qui n’est pas un conclave d’excentriques, pas davantage qu’un nouvel « isme », mais une institution qui résolument emblématise la Science. Ce réemploi générique de l’hagiographie est caractérisé par une hétérogénéité bien peu canonique s’inscrivant dans une continuité problématique par rapport au sous-texte. Une première traversée du Calendrier inviterait à croire à une entreprise parodique et iconoclaste. La parodie, qui est aussi une imitation, pose un problème de visée. Le second degré de Gérard Genette implique deux grands régimes discursifs : le sérieux (le sérieux proprement dit et le satirique) et le ludique. Ces régimes nous ont été utiles pour arrimer la question de l’humour. Il y a là en somme deux possibilités, soit la parodie sérieuse conduisant à ridiculiser l’hagiographie et le Calendrier des Saints qui seraient sérieusement visés, néantisés, tournés en dérision; soit la parodie ludique, à portée nulle, simple jeu, farce farfelue, « pour rire ». Or, nous avons tenté de démontrer dans ce mémoire que, même s’il y a lieu d’avancer des arguments en faveur de l’un et de l’autre type de parodie, le partage ne fonctionne pas, précisément peut-être parce qu’il est possible de montrer à la fois que c’est sérieux et pas sérieux. Dans un troisième temps, on peut aussi faire la démonstration que le pas-sérieux est sérieux. Les jeux de mots, d’homophonie n’engagent-ils pas le Verbe? L’imitation impossible ne réfléchit-elle pas les imitabile de la Sainte Église? La situation énonciatrice tributaire de l’hagiographie pataphysique est non différentiable d’un souci de didactisme qui place la composante moralisatrice au centre des enjeux discursifs. Elle induit de ce fait des attentes en matière d’ethos consistant à mettre au même diapason une représentation sociale de l’énonciateur et une représentation intradiscursive au ton didactique. Elle adjoint un autre ton, savant celui-là, érudit, qui vient défaire la belle convergence et fait disjoncter la rhétorique du genre. Cette rhétoricité problématique de l’hagiographie pataphysique a été abordée sous l’angle de l’ethos. L’ethos est l’instance de validation par laquelle nous renvoyons non pas au caractère de l’orateur, mais, suivant en cela Dominique Maingueneau, au type de parole engendrée par le discours et qui, en retour, rend ce discours crédible. Que devient cette instance lorsque la visée persuasive du discours est remise en question, que l’ethos se démultiplie de façon hétérogène sans véritablement assurer la cohésion du propos ni garantir sa portée? La parodie posant incidemment un problème de visée, est-ce du côté d’un ethos parodique que se trouve la réponse? Il nous a convenu de mesurer, d’articuler, de déplacer cette postulation. Nous nous sommes saisi, pour les besoins de notre argumentation, d’une discipline historiquement lourde d’investissement théorique, soit la rhétorique. Celle-ci constitue à la fois une méthode de composition d’un discours reposant sur des lieux susceptibles de susciter l’adhésion et l’émulation de l’énonciataire et une méthode d’analyse. Guidé par une définition étendue du texte, traversant les littératures non narrative et narrative, il nous a importé enfin de restituer la pratique cymbaliste à partir d’un corpus qui est resté l’apanage du « seul » pataphysicien. Nous nous sommes ainsi situé dans l’horizon plus global de la réceptivité d’un discours qui évacue l’idéologique, qui jamais ne se laisse saisir tout à fait, ni enferrer par le fétiche du sens au profit des potentialités qu’il recèle, et cela à partir d’axiomes arbitraires soumis à l’unique exigence de cohérence interne.

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A dependência etimológica entre Iria e Santarém é tradicionalmente aceite entre os historiadores, que argumentam ser a tese comprovada pelas fontes medievais, quer árabes, quer cristãs. Mas as fontes árabes não corroboram esta dedução, já que ao referirem-se ao topónimo Shantarîn, Yâqût al-Hamawî (1179-1229) diz apenas tratar--se da articulação das palavras Shanta e Rîn, sendo abusivo e até inocente ver na sua explicação toponímica qualquer referência a uma santa de nome Iria.

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Con la escritura de Plácido, novela (1871), Francisco Campos empleó la hagiografía y la retórica como una forma de articular el pensamiento para promover la acción social frente a las dificultades de su realidad. Recurrió a esta forma de escritura para difundir su mensaje y contribuir como intelectual a crear sujetos ideales para el Estado nacional.

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The aim of this study is to understand the version of St. Francis of Assisi created by Friar Thomas of Celano in his hagiographic works. That study also it examines how the Order of Friars Minor and the Papacy have understood the relationship between Christians and the world and turned thisunderstanding in a version of the Saint. Factors such as the replacement of Neoplatonism byAristotelianism as philosophical paradigm and economic and social changes have contributed to change the interpretation of the biblical mandate to not love the world , no longer interpreted as materiality, but as an order for Christians to flee sin. The rejection of the world was replaced by a greater appreciation of nature and society. Moreover, increasingly, the body went from enemy to friend, becoming the brotherbody. Such analysis is important to review the idea, so common in the historiography of what MaxWeber called Worldly Asceticism, the Christian life lived in society, only emerged in Protestantism in opposition to monasticism. The mendicant orders, especially the minority tried during the thirteenth century, the period of analysis of this work, experience the loving nature of Christianity and acting,through preaching and charity in the cities.To make this work, were analyzed the hagiographic discourse (on San Francisco) made by Thomas of Celano, Vita beati Francisci (called Vita Prima) and Memorial in desideiro anime (named Vita Secunda) and, from this, understand the Celano´s interpretation on how it should be the Christian's relationship with the world. The world ceased to be adistorted reflection of a perfect reality, becoming the perfect reflection of God's goodness.

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O texto pretende realizar uma interpretação da narrativa de viagem ao Paraíso Terrestre cistercience Vida de Santo Amaro, à luz da história portuguesa entre os séculos XIII e XV, apontando as relações existentes entre pensamento histórico e pensamento mítico na passagem do processo de Reconquista para os Descobrimentos, vivenciados ao longo da história das diferentes versões escritas da fonte analisada.

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A partir da consideração do mais importante exemplar da hagiografia medieval, a Legenda aurea do dominicano Jacopo de Varazze, o texto pretende discorrer sobre os diversos níveis de erudição dos clérigos cristãos no século XIII e sua importância para a consideração das fontes documentais do período.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS