The political economy of poverty alleviation strategies. The initiative for heavily indebted poor countries in Bolivia: More of the same

In the year 2000, approximately 1.1 billion people lived in extreme poverty while developed countries spent US$600 billion a year on defense. The Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative is a recent component of a larger poverty reduction strategy supported by the International Financial Institutions, as well as many developed and developing countries. By implementing lessons of the past fifty years, this program attempts to diminish misery around the globe. As such, it provides debt relief while seeking to enable the poorest countries to simultaneously attain sustainable debt and promote human development. Interest in poverty reduction around the globe reemerged in the 1990s. This study contributes directly to this recent effort by presenting a nuanced approach that builds on the stepping-stones generated by other poverty scholars. To fulfill its goal, this investigation applies a political economy framework. Within this framework, the author conducts an actor-specific analysis. This dissertation addresses the following question: How do domestic and international actors respond to the implementation of poverty alleviation strategies? The author assumes actors desire to maximize their utility calculation and suggests these calculations are based on the player's motivations and external influences. Based on their motivations, the external influences, and the initiative's guidelines, each actor develops a set of expectations. To fulfill those expectations, stake holders utilize one or several strategies. Finally, the actors' ability to achieve their expectations determines each player's assessment of the initiative. The framework described is applied in an in-depth, actor-specific analysis of the HIPC in Bolivia. Bolivia's National Revolution represents the country's first attempt at reducing poverty. Since then, all governments have taken specific steps to combat poverty at the local and national levels. The Initiative for Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) is one of the most recent macro strategies of this kind. The case study demonstrated that three factors (national ownership, effective sponsorship and the local context) determine the success levels of poverty reduction strategies from abroad. In addition, the investigation clearly shows that poverty reduction is not the sole motivation in the implementation of poverty alleviation strategies. All actors, however, share the dream of poverty reduction.

Not getting by: Poverty management and homelessness in Miami

Urban inequality has emerged as one of the dominant themes of modern life and globalization. More than three million people experienced homelessness in the United States last year; in Miami-Dade, more than 15,000 individuals were homeless. Surviving extreme poverty, and exiting or avoiding homelessness, involves negotiating a complex mix of public and private assistance. However, a range of factors influence what types of help are available and how they can be accessed. Frequently, larger social structures determine which resource are available, leaving many choices entirely out of the individual's control. For single men, who are ineligible for many benefits, homelessness can be difficult to avoid and even harder to exit. My study seeks to better understand how adult, minority men living in extreme poverty in Miami-Dade negotiate their daily survival. Specific research questions address: Do black and Hispanic men who are homeless or at risk of homelessness have different personal characteristics and different experiences in avoiding or exiting homelessness? How does Miami's response to extreme poverty/homelessness, including availability of public benefits and public and private service organizations, either maximize or constrain the choices available to this population? And, what is the actual experience of single, adult men who are homeless or at risk of homelessness, in negotiating their daily survival? A mixed methods approach combines quantitative survey data from 7,605 homeless men, with qualitative data from 54 semi-structured interviews incorporating the visual ethnography techniques of Photo Elicitation Interviewing. Results show the differences experienced by black and Hispanic men who are poor and homeless in Miami. Findings also highlight how the community's official and unofficial responses to homelessness intersect with the actual experiences of the persons targeted by the policies and programs, challenging preconceived notions regarding the lives of persons living in extreme poverty. It adds to the existing body of literature by focusing on the urban Miami context, emphasizing disparities amongst racial and ethnic groups. Findings are intended to provide an empirically grounded thesis that humanizes the subjects and illuminates their personal experiences, helping to inform public policy around the needs of extremely poor populations.

Not Getting By: Poverty Management and Homelessness in Miami

Urban inequality has emerged as one of the dominant themes of modern life and globalization. More than three million people experienced homelessness in the United States last year; in Miami-Dade, more than 15,000 individuals were homeless. Surviving extreme poverty, and exiting or avoiding homelessness, involves negotiating a complex mix of public and private assistance. However, a range of factors influence what types of help are available and how they can be accessed. Frequently, larger social structures determine which resource are available, leaving many choices entirely out of the individual’s control. For single men, who are ineligible for many benefits, homelessness can be difficult to avoid and even harder to exit. My study seeks to better understand how adult, minority men living in extreme poverty in Miami-Dade negotiate their daily survival. Specific research questions address: Do black and Hispanic men who are homeless or at risk of homelessness have different personal characteristics and different experiences in avoiding or exiting homelessness? How does Miami’s response to extreme poverty/homelessness, including availability of public benefits and public and private service organizations, either maximize or constrain the choices available to this population? And, what is the actual experience of single, adult men who are homeless or at risk of homelessness, in negotiating their daily survival? A mixed methods approach combines quantitative survey data from 7,605 homeless men, with qualitative data from 54 semi-structured interviews incorporating the visual ethnography techniques of Photo Elicitation Interviewing. Results show the differences experienced by black and Hispanic men who are poor and homeless in Miami. Findings also highlight how the community’s official and unofficial responses to homelessness intersect with the actual experiences of the persons targeted by the policies and programs, challenging preconceived notions regarding the lives of persons living in extreme poverty. It adds to the existing body of literature by focusing on the urban Miami context, emphasizing disparities amongst racial and ethnic groups. Findings are intended to provide an empirically grounded thesis that humanizes the subjects and illuminates their personal experiences, helping to inform public policy around the needs of extremely poor populations.

Developing a participatory impact assessment approach and action research culture within a communication for social change organisation in Nepal

Developing an effective impact evaluation framework, managing and conducting rigorous impact evaluations, and developing a strong research and evaluation culture within development communication organisations presents many challenges. This is especially so when both the community and organisational context is continually changing and the outcomes of programs are complex and difficult to clearly identify.----- This paper presents a case study from a research project being conducted from 2007-2010 that aims to address these challenges and issues, entitled Assessing Communication for Social Change: A New Agenda in Impact Assessment. Building on previous development communication projects which used ethnographic action research, this project is developing, trailing and rigorously evaluating a participatory impact assessment methodology for assessing the social change impacts of community radio programs in Nepal. This project is a collaboration between Equal Access – Nepal (EAN), Equal Access – International, local stakeholders and listeners, a network of trained community researchers, and a research team from two Australian universities. A key element of the project is the establishment of an organisational culture within EAN that values and supports the impact assessment process being developed, which is based on continuous action learning and improvement. The paper describes the situation related to monitoring and evaluation (M&E) and impact assessment before the project began, in which EAN was often reliant on time-bound studies and ‘success stories’ derived from listener letters and feedback. We then outline the various strategies used in an effort to develop stronger and more effective impact assessment and M&E systems, and the gradual changes that have occurred to date. These changes include a greater understanding of the value of adopting a participatory, holistic, evidence-based approach to impact assessment. We also critically review the many challenges experienced in this process, including:----- • Tension between the pressure from donors to ‘prove’ impacts and the adoption of a bottom-up, participatory approach based on ‘improving’ programs in ways that meet community needs and aspirations.----- • Resistance from the content teams to changing their existing M&E practices and to the perceived complexity of the approach.----- • Lack of meaningful connection between the M&E and content teams.----- • Human resource problems and lack of capacity in analysing qualitative data and reporting results.----- • The contextual challenges, including extreme poverty, wide cultural and linguistic diversity, poor transport and communications infrastructure, and political instability.----- • A general lack of acceptance of the importance of evaluation within Nepal due to accepting everything as fate or ‘natural’ rather than requiring investigation into a problem.

Ethical fashion : the human stories driving a fashion movement

This paper examines and compares two stories, the novel Helen Fleetwood (Elizabeth, 1841) and the film China Blue (Teddy Bear Films, 2005), in relation to the Ethical Fashion movement. In 2005, more than 50 designers from around the world took part in The Ethical Fashion Show in Paris. This movement dictates that designers ensure that their garments are produced in an ethical manner, rather than support the ‘sweatshop’ environments of some industrialists determined to make a profit at the expense of workers rights. The momentum of the Ethical Fashion movement suggests that it is possible for fashion to be ethical, desirable and profitable in the 21st century. In 1841, after extensive research, Charlotte Elizabeth Tonna (using the pseudonym Charlotte Elizabeth) began to write about the atrocities of the factory system in industrialised England. Her novel, Helen Fleetwood, is one of the earliest examples of this kind of work, providing the reader with an extensive insight into the life of English factory workers in the mid-19th century. The story is about the Widow Green and her orphan dependents who are led, through circumstance, to leave their rural home and take up employment in the cotton mills of Manchester, with the hope of having an independent existence. Instead they discover the realities of factory life – extremely long hours, unsafe conditions, poor wages and a steady decline into extreme poverty. In his film China Blue (Teddy Bear Films, 2005), director Micha X. Peled tells an alarmingly similar tale set in 21st century China. This ‘docu-drama’ (a recreation from actual interviews and diary entries) tells the story of ‘Little Jasmine’ who leaves her family’s farm to pursue an independent life in Southern China’s manufacturing district. It is not long before the realities of modern factory life are revealed to the teenage ‘heroine’ – crowded dormitories, long working hours, arbitrary fines and wages that do not compare with those of workers in the Western world. While much of the human story remains unchanged, there have been significant improvements in technology and safety in the last 165 years that result in the reality that not all clothing manufacture is performed in ‘sweatshop’ conditions. After a recent visit to a manufacturing plant in China, consultation with peers in the industry and having worked in the Australian fashion industry for many years, the author compares these stories with her own experiences.

BoP and MNCs: where is the market and where the source of innovation?

ln 2004 Prahalad made managers aware of the great economic opportunity that the population at the BoP (Base of the Pyramid) could represent for business in the tom of new potential consumers. However, MNCs (Multi-National Corporations) have continued to fail in penetrating low income markets, arguably because applied strategies are often the same adopted at the top of the pyramid. Even in those few cases where products get re-envisioned, theie introduction in contexts of extreme poverty only induces new needs and develops new dependencies. At best the rearrangement of business models by MNCs has meant the realization of CSR (Corporate Social Responsibly) schemes that have validity from a marketing perspective, but still lack the crucial element of social embeddedness (London & Hart, 2004). Today the challenge is lo reach the lowest population tier with reinvented business models based on principles of value co-creation. Starting from a view of the potential consumer at the BoP as a ring of continuity in the value chain process – a resource that can itself produce value - this paper concludes proposing an alternative innovative approach to operate in developing markets that overturns the roles of MNCs and the BoP. The proposed perspective of ‘reversed' source of innovation and primary target market builds on two fundamental tenets: traditional knowledge is rich and greatly unexploded, and markets at the lop of the pyramid are saturated with unnecessary products / practices that have lost contact with the natural environment.

BoP and MNCs: where is the market and where the source of innovation?

ln 2004 Prahalad made managers aware of the great economic opportunity that the population at the BoP (Base of the Pyramid) could represent for business in the tom of new potential consumers. However, MNCs (Multi-National Corporations) have continued to fail in penetrating low income markets, arguably because applied strategies are often the same adopted at the top of the pyramid. Even in those few cases where products get re-envisioned, theie introduction in contexts of extreme poverty only induces new needs and develops new dependencies. At best the rearrangement of business models by MNCs has meant the realization of CSR (Corporate Social Responsibly) schemes that have validity from a marketing perspective, but still lack the crucial element of social embeddedness (London & Hart, 2004). Today the challenge is lo reach the lowest population tier with reinvented business models based on principles of value co-creation. Starting from a view of the potential consumer at the BoP as a ring of continuity in the value chain process – a resource that can itself produce value - this paper concludes proposing an alternative innovative approach to operate in developing markets that overturns the roles of MNCs and the BoP. The proposed perspective of ‘reversed' source of innovation and primary target market builds on two fundamental tenets: traditional knowledge is rich and greatly unexploded, and markets at the lop of the pyramid are saturated with unnecessary products / practices that have lost contact with the natural environment.

A representação social da África e dos africanos

A África e os africanos são, sem dúvida, objetos especiais para a abordagem das Ciências Sociais e Humanas. O Brasil foi um dos países que receberam mais escravos negros oriundos da África. Houve momentos na história que a população negra e escrava suplantavam a população branca de origem européia, dona daqueles escravos. No início do século XIX, a capital do império, o Rio de Janeiro, era denominado por pequena África, tal o número da população negra existente. Devido a esta forte ligação, discursos foram criados para intermediar a relação destes dois povos. A teoria das representações sociais é convocada neste trabalho como instrumento teórico metodológico com os objetivos de investigar o processo de formação e a estrutura da representação social da África e dos africanos. Para alcançar tais finalidades foram realizados dois tipos de entrevistas: o primeiro foi uma entrevista fechada, realizada com 200 estudantes de graduação da UERJ, os sujeitos da presente pesquisa, com a finalidade de obter dados que pudessem ser analisados pela abordagem estrutural. Desses 200 entrevistados, 25 também responderam perguntas abertas, caracterizando uma entrevista semi-estruturada que visava abordar os aspectos processuais das representações. Na análise, verificou-se que a representação da África está muito ligada as mazelas, como pobreza, fome e miséria enquanto a representação social dos africanos está relacionada a aspectos mais positivos, como alegria, luta e cultura. A discrepância destes resultados gerou a necessidade de voltar a campo para investigar o porquê das gritantes diferenças entre estas duas representações. Destes 20 alunos entrevistados, 35% acreditam que as imagens negativas da África têm relação com as imagens veiculadas pela mídia e outros 30% crêem que isso é conseqüência da grande pobreza que existe lá. Já a imagem positiva dos africanos está relacionada a naturalização de aspectos positivos atribuídos aos africanos, como alegres e obstinados (30%) e uma identificação entre brasileiros e africanos(25%). A análise mostra que enquanto a representação social da África é muito veiculada ao discurso midiático, a representação social dos africanos relaciona-se fortemente aos discursos politicamente corretos como a democracia racial.

Mangrove ecosystem of Red Sea coast (Saudi Arabia)

The present paper reviews critically the existing information on mangrove ecosystem of Saudi Arabian Red Sea coast and identifies problems and shortcomings that should be removed or remedied. Mangrove structure and composition seems to have been substantially studied along with salient environmental features, and these are thoroughly summarized herewith. However, the functional aspects, especially energy flow through the ecosystem, remain totally neglected. Both the flora and fauna indicate severe environmental conditions, such as very low nutrient levels, very high salinity values and hard bottom, which are unique to the area. Mangrove growth and diversity is very poor, although conditions in the southern part are relatively favourable. The extreme poverty of the ecosystem is supported by exports of organic matter from adjacent seaweed and seagrass ecosystems and also Sabakhas. Preponderance of epiphytic and benthic algae within the mangrove ecosystem is another source of nutrient replenishment in the otherwise oligotrophic habitat of Red Sea. Finally, a hypothetical model of energy flow in the ecosystem is proposed.

The reform of Welfare Regimes in Costa Rica, Chile, Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay

The aim of this article is to analyze the social policy in Latin America in a context of emerging welfare states. To understand the changes one takes into consideration the theories about institutional reform and the transformations produced in the XX century and the beginning of the XXI to substitute a social security regime mainly based on segmentation of benefi ts and on programs to fi ght poverty by another with an institutional and redistributive nature. The paper pays attention in particular to the path of the most developed welfare states of Latin America: Costa Rica, Chile, Argentina, Brasil y Uruguay.

Habitat for Humanity: Calibrating Best Practice Against the MDGs

Poverty alleviation lies at the heart of contemporary international initiatives on development. The key to development is the creation of an environment in which people can develop their potential, leading productive, creative lives in accordance with their needs, interests and faith. This entails, on the one hand, protecting the vulnerable from things that threaten their survival, such as inadequate nutrition, disease, conflict, natural disasters and the impact of climate change, thereby enhancing the poor’s capabilities to develop resilience in difficult conditions. On the other hand, it also requires a means of empowering the poor to act on their own behalf, as individuals and communities, to secure access to resources and the basic necessities of life such as water, food, shelter, sanitation, health and education. ‘Development’, from this perspective, seeks to address the sources of human insecurity, working towards ‘freedom from want, freedom from fear’ in ways that empower the vulnerable as agents of development (not passive recipients of benefaction).

Recognition of the magnitude of the problems confronted by the poor and failure of past interventions to tackle basic issues of human security led the United Nations (UN) in September 2000 to set out a range of ambitious, but clearly defined, development goals to be achieved by 2015. These are known as the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The intention of the UN was to mobilise multilateral international organisations, non-governmental organisations and the wider international community to focus attention on fulfilling earlier promises to combat global poverty. This international framework for development prioritises: the eradication of extreme poverty and hunger; achieving universal primary education; promoting gender equality and empowering women; reducing child mortality; improving maternal health; combating HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases; ensuring environmental sustainability; and developing a global partnership for development. These goals have been mapped onto specific targets (18 in total) against which outcomes of associated development initiatives can be measured and the international community held to account. If the world achieves the MDGs, more than 500 million people will be lifted out of poverty. However, the challenges the goals represent are formidable. Interim reports on the initiative indicate a need to scale-up efforts and accelerate progress.
Only MDG 7, Target 11 explicitly identifies shelter as a priority, identifying the need to secure ‘by 2020 a significant improvement in the lives of at least 100 million slum dwellers’. This raises a question over how Habitat for Humanity’s commitment to tackling poverty housing fits within this broader international framework designed to allievate global poverty. From an analysis of HFH case studies, this report argues that the processes by which Habitat for Humanity tackles poverty housing directly engages with the agenda set by the MDGs. This should not be regarded as a beneficial by-product of the delivery of decent, affordable shelter, but rather understood in terms of the ways in which Habitat for Humanity has translated its mission and values into a participatory model that empowers individuals and communities to address the interdependencies between inadequate shelter and other sources of human insecurity. What housing can deliver is as important as what housing itself is.

Examples of the ways in which Habitat for Humanity projects engage with the MDG framework include the incorporation of sustainable livelihoods strategies, up-grading of basic infrastructure and promotion of models of good governance. This includes housing projects that have also offered training to young people in skills used in the construction industry, microfinanced loans for women to start up their own home-based businesses, and the provision of food gardens. These play an important role in lifting families out of poverty and ensuring the sustainability of HFH projects. Studies of the impact of improved shelter and security of livelihood upon family life and the welfare of children evidence higher rates of participation in education, more time dedicated to study and greater individual achievement. Habitat for Humanity projects also typically incorporate measures to up-grade the provision of basic sanitation facilities and supplies of safe, potable drinking water. These measures not only directly help reduce mortality rates (e.g. diarrheal diseases account for around 2 million deaths annually in children under 5), but also, when delivered through HFH project-related ‘community funds’, empower the poor to mobilise community resources, develop local leadership capacities and even secure de facto security of tenure from government authorities.

In the process of translating its mission and values into practical measures, HFH has developed a range of innovative practices that deliver much more than housing alone. The organisation’s participatory model enables both direct beneficiaries and the wider community to tackle the insecurities they face, unlocking latent skills and enterprise, building sustainable livelihood capabilities. HFH plays an important role as a catalyst for change, delivering through the vehicle of housing the means to address the primary causes of poverty itself. Its contribution to wider development priorities deserves better recognition. In calibrating the success of HFH projects in terms of units completed or renovated alone, the significance of the process by which HFH realises these outcomes is often not sufficiently acknowledged, both within the organisation and externally. As the case studies developed in the report illustrate, the methodologies Habitat for Humanity employs to address the issue of poverty housing within the developing world, place the organisation at the centre of a global strategic agenda to address the root causes of poverty through community empowerment and the transformation of structures of governance.

Given this, the global network of HFH affiliates constitutes a unique organisational framework to faciliate sharing resources, ideas and practical experience across a diverse range of cultural, political and institutional environments. This said, it is apparent that work needs to be done to better to faciliate the pooling of experience and lessons learnt from across its affiliates. Much is to be gained from learning from less successful projects, sharing innovative practices, identifying strategic partnerships with donors, other NGOs and CBOs, and engaging with the international development community on how housing fits within a broader agenda to alleviate poverty and promote good governance.

Chernobyl: Living with Risk and Uncertainty

The nuclear accident in Chernobyl in 1986 is a dramatic example of the type of incidents that are characteristic of a risk society. The consequences of the incident are indeterminate, the causes complex and future developments unpredictable. Nothing can compensate for its effects and it affects a broad population indiscriminately. This paper examines the lived experience of those who experienced biographical disruption as residents of the region on the basis of qualitative case studies carried out in 2003 in the Chernobyl regions of Russia, Ukraine and Belarus. Our analysis indicates that informants tend to view their future as highly uncertain and unpredictable; they experience uncertainty about whether they are already contaminated, and they have to take hazardous decisions about where to go and what to eat. Fear, rumours and experts compete in supplying information to residents about the actual and potential consequences of the disaster, but there is little trust in, and only limited awareness of, the information that is provided. Most informants continue with their lives and do what they must or even what they like, even where the risks are known. They often describe their behaviour as being due to economic circumstances; where there is extreme poverty, even hazardous food sources are better than none. Unlike previous studies, we identify a pronounced tendency among informants not to separate the problems associated with the disaster from the hardships that have resulted from the break-up of the USSR, with both events creating a deep-seated sense of resignation and fatalism. Although most informants hold their governments to blame for lack of information, support and preventive measures, there is little or no collective action to have these put in place. This contrasts with previous research which has suggested that populations affected by disasters attribute crucial significance to that incident and, as a consequence, become increasingly politicized with regard to related policy agendas.

Monsenhor Airosa - pedagogo - empresário : história do colégio de regeneração de Braga : (1869-1931)

Tese de doutoramento, Educação (História da Educação), Universidade de Lisboa, Instituto de Educação, 2015

Extrême pauvreté et justice globale : une réflexion philosophique sur le concept de responsabilité dans une perspective cosmopolitique

Le problème de l’extrême pauvreté dans le Tiers-monde n’est pas d’abord une question économique. Il est avant tout politique parce qu’il est la conséquence directe des choix de société et de l’organisation du pouvoir au niveau des États et des diverses instances de la communauté internationale. Le politique a pour objet la conquête du pouvoir et la répartition des richesses à grande échelle. Il s’agit aussi d’un problème moral parce que les options prises collectivement par les peuples et le concert des nations ne s’orientent pas toujours vers la vertu de justice et l’égalité de chances pour tous. Extrême pauvreté et justice globale forment un binôme qui nous ramène donc au cœur de la philosophie politique et morale. Après la Seconde guerre mondiale, la philosophie politique a élargi ses horizons. Elle réfléchit davantage à l’exercice du pouvoir sur la scène internationale et la distribution des richesses au niveau mondial. Le phénomène de la mondialisation économique crée une dépendance mutuelle et d’importantes influences multilatérales entre les États. Plus que par le passé, l’autarcie n’est guère envisageable. Le dogme de la souveraineté intangible des États, issu du Traité de Westphalie au XVIIe siècle, s’avère de plus en plus caduque au regard des enjeux communs auxquels l’humanité fait actuellement face. D’où la nécessité d’une redéfinition du sens des souverainetés nationales et d’une fondation des droits cosmopolitiques pour chaque individu de la planète. Voilà pourquoi le binôme extrême pauvreté/justice globale nécessite une réflexion philosophique sur le concept de la responsabilité qui s’étend non seulement sur la sphère nationale, mais aussi sur une large amplitude cosmopolitique. L’expression « pays du Tiers-monde » peut sembler archaïque, péjorative et humiliante. Cependant, mieux que celles de « pays sous-développés » ou « pays en voie de développement », elle rend compte, sans euphémisme, de la réalité crue, brute et peu élégante de la misère politique et économique qui y sévit. Bien qu’elle semble désuète, elle délimite assez clairement le domaine de définition conceptuel et géographique de notre champ d’investigation philosophique. Elle désigne l’ensemble des pays qui sont exclus de la richesse économique répartie entre les nations. Étant donné que le pouvoir économique va généralement avec le pouvoir politique, cet ensemble est aussi écarté des centres décisionnels majeurs. Caractérisée par une pauvreté extrême, la réalité tiers-mondiste nécessité une analyse minutieuse des causes de cette marginalisation économique et politique à outrance. Une typologie de la notion de responsabilité en offre une figure conceptuelle avec une géométrie de six angles : la causalité, la moralité, la capacité, la communauté, le résultat et la solidarité, comme fondements de la réparation. Ces aspects sous lesquels la responsabilité est étudiée, sont chapeautés par des doctrines philosophiques de types conséquentialiste, utilitariste, déontologique et téléologique. La typologie de la responsabilité donne lieu à plusieurs solutions : aider par philanthropie à sauver des vies humaines ; établir et assigner des responsabilités afin que les torts passés et présents soient réparés aussi bien au niveau national qu’international ; promouvoir l’obligation de protéger dans un contexte international sain qui prenne en considération le devoir négatif de ne pas nuire aux plus défavorisés de la planète ; institutionnaliser des règles transfrontalières de justice ainsi que des droits cosmopolitiques. Enfin, nous entendrons par omniresponsabilité la responsabilité de tous vis-à-vis de ceux qui subissent les affres de l’extrême pauvreté dans le Tiers-monde. Loin d’être un concept-valise fourre-tout, c’est un ensemble de responsabilités partagées par des acteurs identifiables de la scène mondiale, en vue de la coréparation due aux victimes de l’injustice globale. Elle vise un telos : l’épanouissement du bien-être du citoyen du monde.

Développement local comme stratégie de lutte contre la pauvreté : le cas du Programme de développement de zone implanté par World Vision en Haïti

Ce mémoire est une étude sur le développement local comme stratégie de lutte contre la pauvreté en Haïti. C'est une étude de cas sur une stratégie qui a été implantée par la WVI dans plusieurs communautés pauvres en Haïti, le Programme de Développement de zone (PDZ). Nous avons cherché à savoir comment le PDZ a permis de mettre en place un projet de développement local de lutte contre la pauvreté dans ces communautés. Plus spécifiquement, nous avons analysé, à l'aide de la perspective de Klein et al. (2011), le type de stratégie de développement local auquel le PDZ correspond et vu comment il implique les communautés visées. En effet, plusieurs dimensions, dont la majorité proposée par Klein et al. ont été analysées : le transfert de la stratégie aux leaders locaux ; le processus de leadership local (individuel, organisationnel et socio-territorial) ; la mobilisation des ressources endogènes et exogène ; l'utilisation créative des programmes publics ; la gestion locale des conflits et apprentissage collectif ; et la construction d'une identité positive et d'un sentiment d'appartenance. Ce mémoire fait ressortir une critique souvent adressée à l'endroit des interventions des ONGI, à savoir que la situation de dépendance qu'elles engendrent compte tenu de l'approche assistentialiste sur laquelle elles sont souvent échafaudées. Particulièrement, l'étude du PDZ, nous renseigne que dans un contexte de grande pauvreté, de cumulation de désavantages (en termes de ressources humaines, économiques, politiques), ou d'obstacles objectifs, le développement par initiatives locales soulève des défis et enjeux majeurs. Les données montrent que la stratégie du PDZ __ bien qu'elle soit parvenue à développer un leadership local ; à favoriser une circulation limité de ressources économiques ; à permettre la construction d'une identité positive chez certaines personnes ; __ ne permet pas une mobilisation locale co-construite qui viendrait maintenir les actions mises de l'avant en faveur des priorités dégagées par les communautés elles-mêmes. Enfin, à travers l'analyse nous avons pu conclure qu'elle correspond à un modèle top-down.