L'impact de la violence conjugale post-séparation sur la maternité de femmes de minorités visibles au Canada

La présente étude s’imbrique dans une recherche plus large, réalisée par Damant, Oxman-Martinez, Lapierre, Tutty, Ursel, Jampton et Thiara (CRSH, 2009) ayant comme titre « Mothering in the context of domestic violence in Canada and the United Kingdom: A focus on Aboriginal, Black and Minority Ethnic women ». Dans le cadre de la présente recherche, nous effectuerons une analyse secondaire de certaines entrevues effectuées dans le cadre de la recherche de Damant et al., nous penchant plus spécifiquement sur la violence post-séparation, vécue par ces femmes. Nous baserons l’analyse des données sur sept de leurs entrevues semi-structurées. La sélection de ces sept entrevues a été effectuée par la chercheure principale. Bien qu’aucune question n’explorait le thème de la violence conjugale post-séparation, certaines femmes ont quand même abordé celui-ci. Nous en ferons état dans la présente recherche.

La violence domestique envers les femmes au Mexique : une analyse multidimensionnelle et intersectionnelle

En s’inscrivant dans la perspective du féminisme intersectionnelle et en mobilisant des méthodes mixtes, cette recherche tente de mieux comprendre la violence domestique envers les femmes au Mexique, à la fois à travers une analyse du discours des féministes mexicaines et d’une analyse statistique multidimensionnelle de données d’enquête identifiant les facteurs institutionnels, économiques et socioculturels associés au risque de vivre de la violence domestique. Cette thèse se démarque des réflexions féministes traditionnelles faites au Mexique puisqu’elle approche les rapports de genre en lien avec d’autres systèmes d’oppression et de subordination, fondés notamment sur les rapports de classe et l’ethnicité. Ainsi, elle appréhende la violence faite aux femmes en lien avec le patriarcat, sans réduire ce dernier à quelques indicateurs sociodémographiques et comportementaux mesurés au niveau individuel, mais en tenant compte du contexte d’inégalité de genre au niveau régional. Ce faisant, la recherche tente de réconcilier les deux grandes perspectives théoriques qui expliquent la violence conjugale, soit les approches de la violence familiale (qui s’attardent à des facteurs au niveau microsocial) et les approches féministes (qui mettent l’accent sur la structure patriarcale, c’est-à-dire le contexte plus large des inégalités de genre). Les résultats des entretiens réalisés avec des féministes représentant les trois branches du féminisme mexicain (féminisme hégémonique, populaire et autochtone) ont révélé les fractures existantes à l’intérieur du mouvement féministe au Mexique (antagonisme entre l’institutionnalisation et l’autonomie du mouvement féministe). De façon générale, l’analyse des entretiens a montré que l’engagement des féministes envers la cause des femmes est en accord avec les «idéaux types» des trois branches du féminisme mexicain. Les féministes hégémoniques mettent surtout l’accent sur la structure patriarcale de la société mexicaine et sur les inégalités de genre lorsqu’il s’agit de trouver des causes à la violence faite aux femmes. Pour les féministes du secteur populaire, la violence faite aux femmes s’explique autant par les inégalités de genre, que par les effets du système économique capitaliste. Le discours des femmes autochtones semble, quant à lui, tenir davantage compte de l’articulation des rapports de genre, des rapports ethniques, ainsi que des rapports socio-économiques. Néanmoins, nous constatons que les féministes de la branche hégémonique et populaire semblent de plus en plus sensibles à l’entrecroisement de systèmes de domination et d’oppression. Par ailleurs, l’analyse multiniveau effectuée à partir des données de l’Enquête nationale portant sur la dynamique des relations dans les ménages (2006), a révélé plusieurs résultats importants qui méritent d’être soulignés. D’abord on constate que les différences de prévalence des violences entre les municipalités mexicaines sont en grande partie expliquées par leur composition sociale, c’est-à-dire par des caractéristiques des femmes et de leur couple (niveau micro), plutôt que par des différences entre le niveau des inégalités de genre dans les municipalités mexicaines mesurées par l’ISDH (Indice Sexospécifique du Développement Humain). Les résultats des analyses montrent que les femmes autochtones ont en général des taux de violences moins élevés que les femmes métisses (groupe majoritaire). Enfin, en ce qui a trait à la relation entre le contexte d’inégalité de genre et la violence conjugale, les résultats suggèrent que plus l’ISDH d’une municipalité est élevée, plus il y a de femmes qui subissent les formes de violences. Cela va à l’encontre des postulats habituels des théories féministes et suggèrent que les progrès récents de la situation de la femme en matière de santé, d’éducation et de revenu n’ont pas bouleversé les rapports de genre encore très patriarcales qui continuent à privilégier la suprématie des hommes (Casique, 2004).

Measuring attitudes, behaviours, and influences in inner city victims of interpersonal violence (VIVs) - a Swiss emergency room pilot study

Background Switzerland is confronted with the problem of interpersonal violence. Violence is in the increase and the potential for aggression seems to be rising. Observations by hospitals discern an appalling increase of the severity of the injuries. The aim of this study is to collect accurate information about the social environment, the motivation and possible reasons for violence. We also intend to investigate whether sociocultural, or ethnic differences among male victims exist. Materials and methods For the first time in Switzerland, this survey employed a validated questionnaire from the division of violence prevention, Atlanta, Georgia. The first part of the questionnaire addressed social and demographic factors which could influence the risk of violence: age, gender, duration of stay in Switzerland, nationality and educational level. Beside these social structural factors, the questionnaire included questions on experience of violent offences in the past, information about the most recent violent offence and intra and interpersonal facts. The questionnaire itself consists of 27 questions, translated into German and French. In a pilot study, the questionnaire was checked with adolescents for feasibility and comprehensibility. Results 69 male VIVs were interviewed at two hospitals in the Canton of Bern. Most of the adolescents emphasised that weapons were not used during their confrontations. It is astonishing that all of the young men considered themselves to be victims. Most of the brawls were incited after an exchange of verbal abuse and provocations with unfamiliar individuals. The rivals could neither be classified with the help of ethnic categories nor identifiable groups of the youth scenes. The incidents took place in scenes, where violence was more likely to happen. Interestingly and contrary to a general perception the offenders are well integrated into sport and leisure clubs. A further surprising result of our research is that the attitude towards religion differs between young men with experience of violence and non-violent men. Discussion Youth violence is a health issue, which concerns us globally. The human and economic toll of violence on victims and offenders, their families, and on society in general is high. The economic costs associated with violence-related illness and disability is estimated to be millions of Swiss francs each year. Physicians and psychologists are compelled to identify the factors, which cause young people to be violent, to find out which interventions prove to be successful, and to design effective prevention programs. The identification of effective programs depends on the availability of reliable and valid measures to assess changes in violence-related attitudes. In our efforts to create healthier communities, we need to investigate; document and do research on the causes and circumstances of youth violence.

Extremely Violent Societies: Mass Violence in the Twentieth Century World

In this groundbreaking book Christian Gerlach traces the social roots of the extraordinary processes of human destruction involved in mass violence throughout the twentieth century. He argues that terms such as 'genocide' and 'ethnic cleansing' are too narrow to explain the diverse motives and interests that cause violence to spread in varying forms and intensities. From killings and expulsions to enforced hunger, collective rape, strategic bombing, forced labour and imprisonment he explores what happened before, during, and after periods of widespread bloodshed in countries such as Armenia, Indonesia, Bangladesh, Nazi-occupied Greece and in anti-guerilla wars worldwide in order to highlight the crucial role of socio-economic pressures in the generation of group conflicts. By focussing on why so many different people participated in or supported mass violence, and why different groups were victimized, he offers us a new way of understanding one of the most disturbing phenomena of our times.

Worldwide violence against women legislation: an equity approach

OBJECTIVES: To describe the recommendations and interventions addressing violence against women (VAW) in vulnerable women (disabled, pregnant, ethnic minority, immigrant and older women) in key documents and laws enacted in different countries. METHODS: Content analysis of key documents for the development of VAW policies and laws: The United Nations Handbook for Legislation on Violence Against Women Advance Version, the Model of Laws and Policies on Intrafamiliar Violence Against Women of the Pan-American Health Organization and Recommendation No. R(2002)5 of the Committee of Ministers of the European Council. The content of the 62 VAW laws was also analyzed. RESULTS: Key documents demonstrate the importance of eliminating any obstacle facing disabled, pregnant, immigrant, ethnic minority or older women when accessing VAW services. Only 12 laws mention one or more of these groups of vulnerable women. Pregnant, disabled and ethnic minority women are the groups most often mentioned. In these laws, references to punitive measures, action plans and specific strategies to guarantee access to VAW resources are the most common interventions. CONCLUSION: Decisive interventions addressing the specific needs of disabled, pregnant, immigrant, ethnic minority and older women are needed in order to achieve a broader equity approach in VAW legislation.

International report on Kyrgyz June violence released. EUCAM Commentary No. 12, May 2011

After months of delays, leaks and rumours, the Kyrgyzstan Inquiry Commission (KIC) has finally published on 3 May its report looking into the events of 10-15 June 2010 in the Kyrgyz oblasts of Osh and Jalalabad, which led to the death of 470 people, 74 percent of them ethnic Uzbeks. The Kyrgyz authorities have reacted to this report arguing that the report's authors relied too much on accounts by Uzbeks and that the research was incomplete.

Towards Explaining Anti-Foreign Violence in Germany. CES Germany & Europe Working Papers, No. 04.8 (Series 53), 1993

Gennany has recently witnessed a vast increase in anti-foreign violence. Assembling data from a wide variety of recent research, the paper addresses two basic questions: to what extent is the outburst of xenophobic attacks a German peculiarity? and what are the explanations for the mcreasing violence? An analysis of criminal statistics of various European countries and of comparative opinion polls in the European Community shows that Germany has indeed witnessed a growth of anti-foreign sentiment, and a level of violence that is conspicuous from a com­ parative perspective. Four possible determinants of this peculiarity of recent German history are discussed: (1) the growing ethnic and cultural heterogeneity due to the vast increase in immigration from non-European countries; (2) the increasing costs of foreigners' claims on the German welfare state; (3) the economic context of immigration; and (4) the transformation of national identity in the context of German unification. It is shown that neither the rate of immigration nor the position of foreigners in the German welfare state yields satisfactory explanations for the recent upsurge in violence, which only occurred after unification. The key for an explanation lies in a particu­lar macro-constellation that is characterized by the concurrence of a massive wave of immigration with an economic crisis, and with the ethnicization of German national identity in the context of unification. Anti-foreign sentiments do not automatically follow increases in immigration, but grow in a specific political climate to which the political elites actively contribute.

Dangerous brown men:exploiting sex, violence and feminism in the 'war on terror'

Why is the public presentation of the war on terror suffused with sexualised racism? What does this tell us about ideas of gender, sexuality, religious and political identity and the role of the state in the Western powers? Can we diffuse inter-ethnic conflicts and change the way the West pursues its security agenda by understanding the role of sexualised racism in the war on terror? In asking such questions, Gargi Bhattacharyya considers how the concepts of imperialism, feminism, terror and security can be applied, in order to build on the influential debates about the sexualised character of colonialism. She examines the way in which western imperial violence has been associated with the rhetoric of rights and democracy - a project of bombing for freedom that has called into question the validity of western conceptions of democracy, rights and feminism. Such rhetoric has given rise to actions that go beyond simply protecting western interests or securing access to scarce resources and appear to be beyond instrumental reason. The articulations of racism that appear with the war on terror are animated by fears and sexual fantasies inexplicable by rational interest alone. There can be no resolution to this seemingly endless conflict without understanding the highly sexualised racism that animates it. Such an understanding threatens to pierce the heart of imperial relations, revealing their intense contradictions and uncovering attempts to normalise violent expropriation.

Effect of mobility on violence in a bi-communal population

We develop a multi-agent based model to simulate a population which comprises of two ethnic groups and a peacekeeping force. We investigate the effects of different strategies for civilian movement to the resulting violence in this bi-communal population. Specifically, we compare and contrast random and race-based migration strategies. Race-based migration leads the formation of clusters. Previous work in this area has shown that same-race clustering instigates violent behavior in otherwise passive segments of the population. Our findings confirm this. Furthermore, we show that in settings where only one of the two races adopts race-based migration it is a winning strategy especially in violently predisposed populations. On the other hand, in relatively peaceful settings clustering is a restricting factor which causes the race that adopts it to drift into annihilation. Finally, we show that when race-based migration is adopted as a strategy by both ethnic groups it results in peaceful co-existence even in the most violently predisposed populations.

Essays on State-Building and Sectarian Violence

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This dissertation seeks to explain the role of governmental and non-governmental actors in increasing/reducing the emergence of intergroup conflict after war, when group differences have been a salient aspect of group mobilization. This question emerges from several interrelated branches of scholarship on self-enforcing institutions and power-sharing arrangements, group fragmentation and demographic change, collective mobilization for collectively-targeted violence, and conflict termination and the post-conflict quality of peace. This question is investigated through quantitative analyses performed at the sub-national, national, and cross-national level on the effect of elite competition on the likelihood of violence committed on the basis of group difference after war. These quantitative analyses are each accompanied by qualitative, case study analyses drawn from the American Reconstruction South, Iraq, and Cote d'Ivoire that illustrate and clarify the mechanisms evaluated through quantitative analysis.

Shared findings suggest the correlation of reduced political competition with the increased likelihood of violence committed on the basis of group difference. Separate findings shed light on how covariates related to control over rent extraction and armed forces, decentralization, and citizenship can lead to a reduction in violence. However, these same quantitative analyses and case study analysis suggest that the control of the state can be perceived as a threat after the end of conflict. Further, together these findings suggest the political nature of violence committed on the basis of group difference as opposed to ethnic identity or resource scarcity alone.

Together, these combined analyses shed light on how and why political identities are formed and mobilized for the purpose of committing political violence after war. In this sense, they shed light on the factors that constrain post-conflict violence in deeply divided societies, and contribute to relevant academic, policy, and normative questions.

Dealing with the Legacy of Ethnic Conflict: Confronting ‘Othering’ through Transformative Adult Education—A Northern Ireland Case Study

Despite its peace process, Northern Ireland remains a deeply divided society. The legacy of a 30-year conflict has ensured that the state continues to be prone to outbreaks of violence over contentious issues such as Orange Order parading and the flying of national flags. This paper argues that in order to address this legacy, there is a need to confront the Othering processes that have helped to generate and sustain division. It will argue that programmes of adult education can play an important role in helping the conflicting groups to reimagine their ‘exclusive’ notions of the nation to one capable of incorporating the Other.

Militant Bodies: Policing Race, Religion, and Violence in the U.S. Sikh Diaspora

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-07

Native Women, Intimate Partner Violence, and Drug Use and Consequences: Prevalence and Associations Among Tribal College and University Students

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-08