980 resultados para Electoral systems, ethnic conflict, Fiji, Northern Ireland, power-sharing
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Section 1: The Social Basis of Mental Well-being Section 2: Mental Illness, Conflicts and Disasters Section 3: Northern Ireland, Conflict and Mental Health Section 4: Mental Health and Suicide Section 5: Suicide: Patterns and Trends Section 6: The Social Characteristics of Suicides in Northern Ireland Section 7: Explaining Suicide Trends Section 8: Suicide and Transition to Peace Section 9: ConclusionThis resource was contributed by The National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.
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"October 1989."
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Northern Ireland (NI) is emerging from a violent period in its troubled history and remains a
society characterized by segregation between its two main communities. Nowhere is this more
apparent than in education, where for the most part Catholic and Protestant pupils are
educated separately. During the last 30 years there has been a twofold pressure placed on the
education system in NI - at one level to respond to intergroup tensions by promoting
reconciliation, and at another, to deal with national policy demands derived from a global neoliberalist
economic agenda. With reference to current efforts to promote shared education
between separate schools, we explore the uneasy dynamic between a school-based
reconciliation programme in a transitioning society and system-wide values that are driven by
neo-liberalism and its organizational manifestation - new managerialism. We argue that whilst
the former seeks to promote social democratic ideals in education that can have a potentially
transformative effect at societal level, neoliberal priorities have the potential to both subvert
shared education and also to embed it.
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This paper provides an overview of the transition from armed conflict to peace in Northern Ireland between 1994 and 2016. It discusses the main stages of the peace process and the main elements of the peace Agreement in relation to the development of global thinking around peacebuilding as set out in the United Nations 1992 report Agenda for Peace and the 2000 Brahimi Report. The paper argues that while Northern Ireland is often highlighted as a positive example of peacebuilding, it is not without its limitations and overall the experience of the past twenty years emphasises the importance of ensuring a broadly inclusive process and the need for a sustained commitment over a long period of time.
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Health Technical Memorandum 82 Alarm and detection systems Supplement A: Automatic fire control systems and voice alarm systems
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Health Technical Memorandum 82 Alarm and detection systems Supplement A: Automatic fire control systems and voice alarm systems
Health Promoting Hospitals and Health Services network in Northern Ireland - Update report 2008-2009
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The third annual report from the World Health Organisation’s (WHO) Healthy Promoting Hospitals (HPH) and Healthy Services network highlights a rich selection of the innovative developments and team-working achievements across services in Northern Ireland. The report provides a platform to showcase the five Health and Social Care Trusts and Cooperation and Working Together (CAWT)’s commitment to health and wellbeing to the population and shows how hospitals can have an impact on the determinants of health as they are explained in the context of people’s daily lives. The Public Health Agency continues to support the network both locally and nationally as this report gives hospitals and other health services a chance to be recognised as health enhancing organisations. The HPH and Healthy Services concept recognises that a hospital is much more than a place where people go for treatment and cure from sickness. It identifies the huge opportunities for the promotion of good health among the many thousands of people, patients and staff who have daily contact with hospitals and also with the wider community which the hospitals serve. In recent years much progress has been made in addressing health improvement in the hospital setting by looking at the broader cultural, social and environmental issues which can support health and wellbeing. The Northern Ireland HPH network continues to embrace change across services and to drive action to ensure that health improvement is embedded in the new health and social care systems.
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The origins of electoral systems have received scant attention in the literature. Looking at the history of electoral rules in the advanced world in the last century, this paper shows that the existing wide variation in electoral rules across nations can be traced to the strategic decisions that the current ruling parties, anticipating the coordinating consequences of different electoral regimes, make to maximize their representation according to the following conditions. On the one hand, as long as the electoral arena does not change substantially and the current electoral regime serves the ruling parties well, the latter have no incentives to modify the electoral regime. On the other hand, as soon as the electoral arena changes (due to the entry of new voters or a change in their preferences), the ruling parties will entertain changing the electoral system, depending on two main conditions: the emergence of new parties and the coordinating capacities of the old ruling parties. Accordingly, if the new parties are strong, the old parties shift from plurality/majority rules to proportional representation (PR) only if the latter are locked into a 'non-Duvergerian' equilibrium; i.e. if no old party enjoys a dominant position (the case of most small European states)--conversely, they do not if a Duvergerian equilibrium exists (the case of Great Britain). Similarly, whenever the new entrants are weak, a non-PR system is maintained, regardless of the structure of the old party system (the case of the USA). The paper discusses as well the role of trade and ethnic and religious heterogeneity in the adoption of PR rules.
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The value of a comparative study of the two conflicts stems from a remarkable similarity in the structural organization of political violence by its most influential practitioners: the IRA and Hamas. At the core, I have merely tried my best to approach a beguiling question in a fresh, dynamic way. The stultifying discourse of conflict that serves as lingua franca for the Israeli‐Palestinian issue has largely reduced strategic debate to how best the conflict can be managed – not ended. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s focus on “economic peace” and unwillingness to commit to a two‐state solution – the consensus that has governed peacemaking for decades – belies such thinking. The Clinton Administration’s cadre of Mideast negotiators operated amidst the most rapid institutionalization of Palestinian democracy in history ‐ yet remained obsessed with Israeli‐Arab “confidence‐building” measures, doing little to legitimize the gains of Oslo. So long as Palestinians continue to view the creation of Israel as “al‐Nakba” – the catastrophe – whilst successive Israeli governments refuse to grant their aspirations any legitimacy, there can be no progress. Peace requires empathy, a substantial compromise in the context of internecine conflict. The “long war” both conflicts have become mandates an equally expansive, broad‐based and labor‐intensive approach – a demanding process that can only be called The Long Game.
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This study examines the consequences of living in segregated and mixed neighbourhoods on ingroup bias and offensive action tendencies, taking into consideration the role of intergroup experiences and perceived threat. Using adult data from a cross-sectional survey in Belfast, Northern Ireland, we tested a model that examined the relationship between living in segregated (N = 396) and mixed (N = 562) neighbourhoods and positive contact, exposure to violence, perceived threat and outgroup orientations. Our results show that living in mixed neighbourhoods was associated with lower ingroup bias and reduced offensive action tendencies. These effects were partially mediated by positive contact. However, our analysis also shows that respondents living in mixed neighbourhoods report higher exposure to political violence and higher perceived threat to physical safety. These findings demonstrate the importance of examining both social experience and threat perceptions when testing the relationship between social environment and prejudice.