975 resultados para Economic power
Resumo:
This study explores how great powers not allied with the United States formulate their grand strategies in a unipolar international system. Specifically, it analyzes the strategies China and Russia have developed to deal with U.S. hegemony by examining how Moscow and Beijing have responded to American intervention in Central Asia. The study argues that China and Russia have adopted a soft balancing strategy of to indirectly balance the United States at the regional level. This strategy uses normative capabilities such as soft power, alternative institutions and regionalization to offset the overwhelming material hardware of the hegemon. The theoretical and methodological approach of this dissertation is neoclassical realism. Chinese and Russian balancing efforts against the United States are based on their domestic dynamics as well as systemic constraints. Neoclassical realism provides a bridge between the internal characteristics of states and the environment which those states are situated. Because China and Russia do not have the hardware (military or economic power) to directly challenge the United States, they must resort to their software (soft power and norms) to indirectly counter American preferences and set the agenda to obtain their own interests. Neoclassical realism maintains that soft power is an extension of hard power and a reflection of the internal makeup of states. The dissertation uses the heuristic case study method to demonstrate the efficacy of soft balancing. Such case studies help to facilitate theory construction and are not necessarily the demonstrable final say on how states behave under given contexts. Nevertheless, it finds that China and Russia have increased their soft power to counterbalance the United States in certain regions of the world, Central Asia in particular. The conclusion explains how soft balancing can be integrated into the overall balance-of-power framework to explain Chinese and Russian responses to U.S. hegemony. It also suggests that an analysis of norms and soft power should be integrated into the study of grand strategy, including both foreign policy and military doctrine.
Resumo:
Due to the variability and stochastic nature of wind power system, accurate wind power forecasting has an important role in developing reliable and economic power system operation and control strategies. As wind variability is stochastic, Gaussian Process regression has recently been introduced to capture the randomness of wind energy. However, the disadvantages of Gaussian Process regression include its computation complexity and incapability to adapt to time varying time-series systems. A variant Gaussian Process for time series forecasting is introduced in this study to address these issues. This new method is shown to be capable of reducing computational complexity and increasing prediction accuracy. It is further proved that the forecasting result converges as the number of available data approaches innite. Further, a teaching learning based optimization (TLBO) method is used to train the model and to accelerate
the learning rate. The proposed modelling and optimization method is applied to forecast both the wind power generation of Ireland and that from a single wind farm to show the eectiveness of the proposed method.
Resumo:
Existing studies that question the role of planning as a state institution, whose interests it serves together with those disputing the merits of collaborative planning are all essentially concerned with the broader issue of power in society. Although there have been various attempts to highlight the distorting effects of power, the research emphasis to date has been focused on the operation of power within the formal structures that constitute the planning system. As a result, relatively little attention has been attributed to the informal strategies or tactics that can be utilised by powerful actors to further their own interests. This article seeks to address this gap by identifying the informal strategies used by the holders of power to bypass the formal structures of the planning system and highlight how these procedures are to a large extent systematic and (almost) institutionalised in a shadow planning system. The methodology consists of a series of semi-structured qualitative interviews with 20 urban planners working across four planning authorities within the Greater Dublin Area, Ireland. Empirical findings are offered that highlight the importance of economic power in the emergence of what essentially constitutes a shadow planning system. More broadly, the findings suggest that much more cognisance of the structural relations that govern how power is distributed in society is required and that ‘light touch’ approaches that focus exclusively on participation and deliberation need to be replaced with more radical solutions that look towards the redistribution of economic power between stakeholders.
Resumo:
The European Union continues to exert a large influence on the direction of member states energy policy. The 2020 targets for renewable energy integration have had significant impact on the operation of current power systems, forcing a rapid change from fossil fuel dominated systems to those with high levels of renewable power. Additionally, the overarching aim of an internal energy market throughout Europe has and will continue to place importance on multi-jurisdictional co-operation regarding energy supply. Combining these renewable energy and multi-jurisdictional supply goals results in a complicated multi-vector energy system, where the understanding of interactions between fossil fuels, renewable energy, interconnection and economic power system operation is increasingly important. This paper provides a novel and systematic methodology to fully understand the changing dynamics of interconnected energy systems from a gas and power perspective. A fully realistic unit commitment and economic dispatch model of the 2030 power systems in Great Britain and Ireland, combined with a representative gas transmission energy flow model is developed. The importance of multi-jurisdictional integrated energy system operation in one of the most strategically important renewable energy regions is demonstrated.
Resumo:
Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física
Resumo:
No litoral sul do estado de São Paulo, ocorreu uma epidemia de encefalite pelo arbovírus Rocio de 1975 a 1978. As altas taxas de morbidade e mortalidade causaram impacto social. Neste trabalho, o objetivo foi apresentar um estudo sobre como a mídia impressa relatou os acontecimentos sociais relacionados ao surgimento da epidemia no primeiro semestre de 1975. Reportagens sobre a epidemia no litoral sul foram obtidas do banco de dados dos jornais A Tribuna, Folha de S.Paulo e Jornal da Tarde. Foram analisadas as notícias até o mês de julho de 1975, fase inicial e de maior impacto da epidemia. Com a identificação de casos de encefalite, de causa desconhecida, a Secretaria de Estado da Saúde desaconselhou a ida de turistas para o litoral, utilizando a mídia como veículo de divulgação. Diante das notícias, ocorreu a fuga dos turistas e, consequentemente, a crise do comércio. Observou-se a revolta dos comerciantes, que geraram embates contra a mídia, no que tange à forma de divulgação da epidemia. Alguns prefeitos alegaram inveracidade de notícias publicadas. A proibição feita pelas autoridades sanitárias foi relatada pela mídia de forma abrangente, englobando sujeitos envolvidos nesse discurso. Assim, foram reveladas ao público as tensões geradas entre os detentores do conhecimento científico e o poder econômico local. Os jornais realizaram cobertura abrangente, abordando vários temas, entretanto disseminaram incertezas e fizeram uso de imagens sensacionalistas, além de desarticular acontecimentos biológicos e sociais. Os temas chegaram aos leitores de forma fragmentada e com sentidos sociais comprometidos.
Resumo:
O presente trabalho aborda, sob a perspectiva da geografia cultural renovada, a temática das formas simbólicas no espaço urbano, tento como problematização o estudo de caso das formas simbólicas espaciais mais representativas da centralidade na Área Central de Vitória (ES). O interesse sobre o tema está associado o quadro relativamente recente no qual a Área Central de Vitória, sobretudo nas últimas duas décadas do século XX, passa a sofrer com um intenso processo de descentralização apresentando como alguns efeitos dessa dinâmica não só aparecimento de núcleos secundários de comércio e serviços afastados da Área Central, quanto também exerce um papel fundamental no que se ficou consagrado como “crise da área central”. Entretanto, se o quadro acima descrito é muito recente, por outro lado, durante o amplo período da produção do espaço urbano da capital capixaba em que a organização interna da cidade foi tributária, fundamentalmente, do processo de centralização, o Centro de Vitória foi o lócus privilegiado de materialização de formas simbólicas espaciais tipicamente associadas à centralidade intra-urbana tais como edificações que são símbolos dos poderes político, jurídico e econômico; igrejas; os monumentos, dentre outras formas simbólicas espaciais. Deste modo, a dissertação pretende investigar o advento da descentralização sobre as formas simbólicas espaciais tipicamente associadas à Área Central da capital capixaba, questionando em que medida essas formas permanecem enquanto signos de resistência simbólica a importância da área, bem como a natureza da eventual requalificação de significado ao qual foram, eventualmente, submetidas.
Resumo:
Projeto de mestrado apresentado à Escola Superior de Comunicação Social como parte dos requisitos para obtenção de grau de mestre em Jornalismo.
Resumo:
This Work Project aims to discuss the Context Costs and Comparative Advantages of the Telecommunications sector both in Portugal and China. The work was built mostly on primary research by interviews with relevant people (business persons, University Professors and Agencies directors), and by economic data publicly available. A list of context costs and comparative advantages was drawn for each country and possible resolutions suggestions were made in the end. The context costs depend heavily on the economic situation of the countries and it should be taken into account when assessing the degree of magnitude of each cost of context. The competitive advantages of each country were drawn in comparison with one another. Some key results stand out: firstly, Portugal’s costs of context depend mainly on governmental decisions, uncertainties and instability and China’s cost of context depend primarily on cultural norms, mainly the Guanxi; second, the telecommunications sector shares most of its context costs and advantages with other sectors; third, China as an economic power could use the telecommunications sector as a way to further develop and boost its economy.
Resumo:
Dissertação de mestrado em Ciências da Comunicação (área de especialização em Informação e Jornalismo)
Resumo:
Most corporate codes of conduct and multi-stakeholder sustainability standards guarantee workers' rights to freedom of association and collective bargaining, but many authors are sceptical about the concrete impact of codes and standards of this kind. In this paper we use Hancher and Moran's (1998) concept of 'regulatory space' to assess the potential of private transnational regulation to support the growth of trade union membership and collective bargaining relationships, drawing on some preliminary case study results from a project on the impact of the International Finance Corporation's (IFC) social conditionality on worker organization and social dialogue. One of the major effects of neoliberal economic and industrial policy has been the routine exclusion of workers' organizations from regulatory processes on the grounds that they introduce inappropriate 'political' motives into what ought to be technical decision-making processes. This, rather than any direct attack on their capacity to take action, is what seems best to explain the global decline in union influence (Cradden 2004; Howell 2007; Howe 2012). The evidence we present in the paper suggests that private labour regulation may under certain conditions contribute to a reversal of this tendency, re-establishing the legitimacy of workers' organizations within regulatory processes and by extension the legitimacy of their use of economic and social power. We argue that guarantees of freedom of association and bargaining rights within private regulation schemes are effective to the extent that they can be used by workers' organizations in support of a claim for access to the regulatory space within which the terms and conditions of the employment relationship are determined. Our case study evidence shows that certain trade unions in East Africa have indeed been able to use IFC and other private regulation schemes as levers to win recognition from employers and to establish collective bargaining relationships. Although they did not attempt to use formal procedures to make a claim for the enforcement of freedom of association rights on behalf of their members, the unions did use enterprises' adherence to private regulation schemes as a normative point of reference in argument and political exchange about worker representation. For these unions, the regulation was a useful addition to the range of arguments that they could deploy as means to justify their demand for recognition by employers. By contrast, the private regulation that helps workers' organizations to win access to regulatory processes does little to ensure that they are able to participate meaningfully, whether in terms of technical capacity or of their ability to mobilize social power as a counterweight to the economic power of employers. To the extent that our East African unions were able to make an impact on terms and conditions of employment via their participation in regulatory space it was solely on the basis of their own capacities and resources and the application of national labour law.
Resumo:
En aquest treball d'investigació dedicat a la Milícia Nacional de la ciutat de Lleida durant el Trienni Liberal s'ha pretés estudiar la seva implantació, l'evolució, la dinàmica interna i la composició socioprofessional dels seus membres. La Milícia a l'inici del període liberal va tenir dificultats per formar-se. Aquest fet ens va indicar que no hi havia molt individus amb tendència liberal i que la major part de la població treballava en l'àmbit agrari, o sigui, no hi havia gaire comerç i els individus dedicats a les professionals liberals o no eren molts quantitativament o no tenien massa poder polític i econòmic. Tot i que la consolidació i l'actuació del bàndol reialista va potenciar l'organització de la Milícia a la ciutat lleidatana. Per aturar l'avanç dels seguidors absolutistes, l'abril de l'any 1821 es va crear una nova milícia, aquesta vegada de caire voluntari. La Milícia Local va triomfar perquè la seva principal característica residia en el voluntarietat. Les persones que es van apuntar ho van fer per motius derivats de les seves pròpies conviccions polítiques. Finalment apuntar que la Milícia Nacional a Lleida a les darreries del règim liberal va aconseguir mantenir el poder constitucional fins l'arribada dels Cent Mil Fills de Sant Lluis.
Resumo:
Se presenta en primer lugar un estudio de las esculturas procedentes del ager Tarraconensis que incluye también los nuevos descubrimientos. Se da a conocer un conjunto recuperado recientemente en la villa de Els Ametllers (Tossa de Mar, Gerona). En cuanto a la plástica del entorno de Tarraco, se ha podido constatar que existen dos grupos claramente diferenciados. Uno de ellos está constituido por hallazgos poco numerosos o aislados, las piezas son de dimensiones menores que el natural y, salvo algunas excepciones, de factura modesta y de temática relacionada con el entorno dionisiaco. El otro, que se corresponde con el importante conjunto de estatuas procedente de la villa de Els Munts, se caracteriza por las grandes dimensiones y por la buena calidad estilística de algunas de ellas, así como por la variedad de los tipos escultóricos representados. El conjunto de la villa de Els Ametllers da testimonio de su riqueza con una decoración escultórica más que notable en el siglo i d. de C. realizada en mármoles de gran calidad. En general, las esculturas de las villae de la zona del noreste hispánico nos dejan constancia del alto nivel social y del poder económico de los dueños de las mansiones y al mismo tiempo nos indican el lujo del que se querían y podían rodear las clases privilegiadas.
Resumo:
In March 2010, Chinese State Councillor, Dai Bingguo, in a private meeting with US Deputy Secretary of State, James Steinberg, allegedly referred to the South China Sea (SCS) as one of the country’s ‘core interests’, a term normally only used to refer to regions like Taiwan, Tibet and Xinjiang upon whose sovereignty Beijing will make no compromises. This alleged wording by Mr Dai caused a strong global reaction, with many countries around the world expressing a fear that China, on the back of its rise to the status of the world's second largest economic power, was now about to implement a more assertive foreign policy more in keeping with its new status of global superpower. As the use of the term ‘core interest’ took place in a private meeting and appears to have been subsequently leaked, it is impossible to prove what was said or meant, yet in 2011, with China and the US continuing to eye each other with suspicion, the adverse repercussions of people trying to deduce what was meant are undeniable. By analysing the views of experts and the evolution or otherwise of Chinese rhetoric and policy towards the SCS, this thesis will show how the alleged use of a term in a private meeting can have consequences that far exceed what was originally intended. It will also show that it is highly unlikely that China’s maritime policy is becoming more assertive as, at China's present stage of social and economic development, it simply cannot afford the ill will and adverse consequences that would result from an act of international aggression. It will show how easy it seems to be for a country like the US to project a misleading image of another country’s intentions, which can in turn serve partially to mask its own intentions. Finally, it will show that the China’s stance on the SCS is starting to be seen by the world as a litmus test for the assertiveness of overall Chinese foreign policy.
Resumo:
As the national language of the PRC, the world's growing economic power and the sovereign of Hong Kong, Putonghua is a language with multiple facets of relevance for the current Special Administrative Region. This paper seeks to explore and explain different representations of Putonghua in Hong Kong's leading English-language newspaper South China Morning Post in articles published between January 2012 and February 2013. The representations are studied in the context of the different discourses in which they appear, some of which feature language(s) as a central theme and some more marginally. An overview is first presented of the scholarly research on the most important developments in Hong Kong's complex language scene from the beginnings of the colony until present day, with the aim of detecting developments and attitudes with potential relevance or parallels to the context of Putonghua today. The paper then reflects on the media and its role in producing and perpetuating discourses in the society, before turning to more practical considerations on Hong Kong's English and Chinese language media and the role of South China Morning Post in it. The methods used in analysing the discourses are those of discourse analysis, with textual analysis as its starting point, in which close attention is paid to linguistic forms as the concrete representations of meanings in a text. Particularly the immediate contexts of the appearances of the word “Putonghua” in the articles were studied carefully to detect vocabulary, grammar and semantical choices as signs of different discourses, potentially also revealing fundamental underlying assumptions and other “hidden meanings” in the text. Some of the most distinctive discourses in which different representations of Putonghua appeared were the Instrumental value for the individual (in which Putonghua was represented as a form of social capital); Othering of the mainlanders (in which Putonghua served as a concrete marker of distinction); Belonging to China (Putonghua as a symbol of unity); and Cultural distinctiveness of Hong Kong (Putonghua as a threat to Hong Kong's history and culture, as embodied in Cantonese). Some of these discourses were more prominent than others, and for example the discourse of Belonging to China was relatively rarely enacted in Hongkongers' voices. In general, the findings were not surprising in the light of the history, but showed a fair degree of consistency with what has been written earlier about the languages and attitudes towards them in Hong Kong. It has often been noted that Putonghua and its relation with Cantonese is a matter linked with the social identity of the colony and its citizens. While it appeared that there were no strict taboos in the representations of Putonghua in the societal context, the possibility of self-censorship cannot be ruled out as a factor toning down political discourses in the representations.