A-Reit price responses to cash rate changes

With the rapid increasing number and assets of A-REITs, there has been an urgent need to study the relationship between the changes of cash rates and the A-REITs returns. This study investigates whether there were relationships between Australian-Real Estate Investment Trusts stock returns and policy interest rate changes in the past decade by using event study with a multivariate regression model. The findings indicate that cash rate changes have no significantly positive or negative influence on the equity A-REIT stock prices. A series of successive cash rate changes do not take a continuous and dramatic effect on the equity A-REIT stock prices in each economic cycle. Moreover, the A-REITs with relatively smaller assets show more significant fluctuation to the changes of cash rates, and the A-REITs owning more than $ 10 billion in capital assets have relatively steady stock prices. Overall, the findings from this research lead to a call for comprehensive research into various areas in order to ascertain the determinants of A-REIT price changes.

Superannuation retirement balances: A surprising outcome

Aim: Although the guaranteed superannuation system is believed by many to provide a safe and adequate source of funds in retirement, some will be unpleasantly surprised. The aim of this paper is to demonstrate the significant effect of the economic cycle on the final accumulated balance in superannuation retirement accounts. Method: A Monte Carlo simulation is used to illustrate the variance in outcomes that can be expected for a hypothetical individual. Results: The expected accumulated superannuation balances for two hypothetical individuals are estimated. The spread of outcomes is used to illustrate the problem of using only the mean of the distribution as a predictor of wealth in the retirement years. Conclusions: Many retirees rely on superannuation to fund their retirement. However regular contributions to superannuation does not ensure a predictable outcome, and active management of contributions is required if retirement goals are to be met.

Potential output in Latin America: a standard approach for the 1950-2002 period

Includes bibliography

Can Latin America fly?: revising the engines of growth

Includes bibliography

La sostenibilidad de la deuda pública y la postura fiscal en el ciclo económico: el Istmo Centroamericano

Incluye Bibliografía

Tax reforms and fiscal stabilization in Latin American countries

Includes bibliography

Fiscal policy, cycles and growth

Includes bibliography

Paulistinhas: imagens sacras, singelas e singulares

Pós-graduação em Artes - IA

Istmo Centroamericano y República Dominicana: evolución económica durante 2007 y perspectivas para 2008

Incluye Bibliografía

Istmo Centroamericano y República Dominicana: análisis del desempeño de las productividades individuales y total de los factores

Incluye Bibliografía

The employment situation in Latin America and the Caribbean: Labour productivity and distribution issues

Although the economies of Latin America and the Caribbean grew more slowly in 2011 than in 2010, there were some improvements on the employment front. Workers benefited from the region’s satisfactory economic performance in an increasingly complex international setting. The unemployment rate fell from 7.3% in 2010 to 6.7% in 2011 thanks to a halfpercentage- point gain in the urban employment rate. Both rates are at levels that have not been seen for a long time. The proportion of formal jobs with social benefits rose as well, and underemployment declined. The average wage and the minimum wage both increased in real terms, albeit only moderately. Economic performance and the employment situation varied widely among the subregions. The unemployment rate dropped by 0.6 percentage points in South America but 0.4 percentage points in the countries of the northern part of Latin America. In the countries of the Caribbean, the employment rate was up by 0.2 percentage points. The data show that substantial labour market gaps and serious labour-market insertion issues remain. This is especially the case for women and young people, for whom unemployment rates and other labour indicators are still unfavourable. The second part of this report looks at whether the fruits of economic growth and rising productivity have been distributed equitably between workers and companies. Between 2002 and 2008 (the most recent expansionary economic cycle), wages as a percentage of GDP fell in 13 of the 21 countries of the region for which data are available and rose in just 8. This points to redistribution that is unfavourable to workers, which is worrying in a region which already has the most unequal distribution of income in the world. Underlying this trend is the fact that, worldwide, wages have grown less than productivity. Beyond the ethical dimension of this issue, it jeopardizes the social and economic sustainability of growth. For example, one of the root causes of the recent financial crisis was that households in the United States responded to declining wage income by borrowing more to pay for consumption and housing. This turned out to be unsustainable in the long run. Over time, it undermines the labour market’s contribution to the efficient allocation of resources and its distributive function, too, with negative consequences for democratic governance. Among the triggers of this distributive worsening most often cited in the global debate are market deregulation and its impact on financial globalization, technological change that favours capital over labour, and the weakening of labour institutions. What is needed here is a public policy effort to help keep wage increases from lagging behind increases in productivity. Some countries of the region, especially in South America, saw promising developments during the second half of the 2000s in the form of a positive trend reversal in wages as a percentage of GDP. One example is Brazil, where a minimum wage policy tailored to the dynamics of the domestic market is considered to be one of the factors behind an upturn in the wage share of GDP. The region needs to grow more and better. Productivity must grow at a steady pace, to serve as the basis for sustained improvements in the well-being of the populace and to narrow the gap between the economies of Latin America and the Caribbean and the more advanced economies. And inequality must be decreased; this could be achieved by closing the productivity gap between upgraded companies and the many firms whose productivity is low. As set out in this report, the region made some progress between 2002 and 2010, with labour productivity rising at the rate of 1.5% a year. But this progress falls short of that seen in other regions such as Sub-Saharan Africa (2.1%) and, above all, East Asia (8.3%, not counting Japan and the Republic of Korea). Moreover, in many of the countries of the region these gains have not been distributed equitably. Therein lies a dual challenge that must be addressed: continue to increase productivity while enhancing the mechanisms for distributing gains in a way that will encourage investment and boost worker and household income. The Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) and the International Labour Organization (ILO) estimate that the pace of economic growth in the region will be slightly slower in 2012 than in 2011, in a global economic scenario marked by the cooling of several of the main economic engines and a high degree of uncertainty concerning, above all, prospects for the euro zone. The region is expected to continue to hold up well to this worsening scenario, thanks to policies that leveraged more favourable conditions in the past. This will be felt in the labour markets, as well, so expectations are that unemployment will edge down by as much as two tenths of a decimal point.

The employment situation in Latin America and the Caribbean: Countercyclical policies for a sustained recovery in employment

Latin America and the Caribbean experienced an unexpectedly vigorous economic recovery in 2010 after the output contraction of 2009. This upturn was reflected in the region’s employment and unemployment rates, which resumed the positive trends that had been broken by the crisis, and formal wages rose slightly. The strength of the recovery and labour-market performance varied markedly across subregions and countries, however. The first part of this joint ECLAC/ILO publication on the employment situation in Latin America and the Caribbean looks at how labour markets have responded to the rapid economic upswing in 2010 and early 2011, highlighting both the significant advances achieved in the post-crisis period and the sharp differences evident across subregions and countries. As well as tapping into the improved external conditions which followed upon the Asianled global economic upturn, several Latin American countries were also able to contain the impacts of the crisis and underpin their own recovery with countercyclical policies, thanks to the leeway gained by their macroeconomic management during the run of growth from 2003 to 2008. These countries were in a position to implement expansionary fiscal and monetary policies, some of which channelled higher fiscal spending through labour-market policies or softened the impact of the crisis on employment and income, as discussed in previous ECLAC/ILO bulletins. Since the region is fairly new to the use of countercyclical policies, the second part of this document reviews the experiences arising from those policies and considers lessons for institutionalizing them. Economic growth in the Latin American and Caribbean region has historically been marked by the volatility of its economic cycles, with high-growth periods being succeeded by deep crises. Volatility has conspired against the use of production resources over extended periods and short growth horizons have impeded investment in capital and labour. In the recent international crisis, the deployment of countercyclical macroeconomic policy helped to reduce the depth and duration of the impact and to leverage a more rapid recovery. It is therefore worth looking at the fundamentals of a long-term countercyclical macroeconomic policy which would provide the tools needed to deal with future crises and pave the way for economic growth that may be sustained over time. A special factor during this crisis was that a greater effort was made to support employment and income. Several of the labour-market policy measures taken acted as vehicles for conveying increased fiscal spending to individuals, reflecting greater consideration for equality concerns. Indeed, these measures were aimed not only at stabilizing andstrengthening domestic demand per se, but also at preventing the crisis from hitting lowest-income households the hardest, as had occurred in previous episodes. And —again unlike the pattern seen in previous episodes— inflation actually fell during the crisis as the high food and fuel prices seen in the run-up to it eased as a result of both existing macroeconomic policies and global conditions. This averted the surge in inequality so often seen in previous crises. Two caveats must be added, however. First, not all the countries were in a position to deploy strong countercyclical policies. Many simply lacked the fiscal space to do so. Second, some countries took this sort of measure more as an ad hoc response to the crisis than as part of a clearly established countercyclical policy strategy. The challenge, then, is to institutionalize a countercyclical approach throughout the economic cycle. Taking up this challenge is part of making economic growth more sustainable. This year —2011— was ushered in by rapid economic growth and substantial improvements in labour indicators. With the region’s GDP projected to grow well over 4% this year, ECLAC and ILO estimate that the regional unemployment rate will fall substantially again, from 7.3% in 2010 to between 6.7% and 7.0% in 2011.

Estado e política pública urbana: a revitalização do centro de Santos

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Estructura ocupacional y género en el mercado de trabajo de Mendoza en los '90

La profundización del modelo neoliberal en Argentina durante los '90 alteró los patrones económicos cambiando la estructura económica y su base social de sustentación. El eje organizador del sistema económico pasó de la producción industrial a la especulación financiera. Aunque a principios de la década, y entre 1996-1997, la economía exhibió niveles de crecimiento altos, tuvo pocas repercusiones en la industria, llevando a un empeoramiento de los indicadores del mercado de trabajo. La estructura de la economía demostró no ser apta para la creación de empleo. Distintos estudios ensayan la hipótesis de un proceso de fragmentación/ heterogenización y segmentación de la estructura socio-ocupacional como producto de estas políticas económicas y sociales que afectan a los distintos grupos ocupacionales según distinción por género. En este contexto empírico y teórico, esta investigación profundizó en las características de este fenómeno en Mendoza, con el objetivo de analizar la estructura ocupcional del mercado de trabajo durante el periodo 1991-2002, atendiendo a las particularidades adquiridas según las diferentes etapas del ciclo económico y haciendo referencia a las modalidades adoptadas en torno al género y en relación a las condiciones de inserción laboral, las oportunidades laborales y el papel de la demanda sobre la fragmentación de la fuerza de trabajo.

La lógica de la inversión pública en infraestructura en la provincia de Buenos Aires : Entre las necesidades sociales y ¿la política?

El presente estudio se enfoca en la inversión en infraestructura en la provincia de Buenos Aires como un elemento central del cambio estructural pregonado para minimizar los diferenciales de productividad que constituyen la clave de los problemas del ciclo económico argentino. En el enfoque se asume la relación bidireccional entre territorio y escala nacional. Se diferencian para el análisis la infraestructura social, productiva y aquella que es consecuencia de la estructura económica dominante. Se incluye un estudio descriptivo del peso de cada tipo de infraestructura y de la lógica de localización de la inversión, y también se realiza una regresión econométrica mediante la cual se buscan variables explicativas significativas