994 resultados para Dunkeld, Bishops of.
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The present study has proposed a structural model to identify the reasons why individuals become voluntary, keep and exit this type of work. The empirical space was the Pastoral da Criança - social action agency of the National Conference of Bishops of Brazil (CNBB) - community-based institution that has its work based on solidarity and the sharing of knowledge. The theoretical framework has the context in which are volunteering studies in Brazilian and world level. Then discuss the various concepts of volunteering and presented the theoretical models of volunteer motivation. Studies of Mostyn (1983) and studies conducted by the BEPEGE-Base for Studies and Research in Management Policies and Strategies - in their line of research GERQUAL - Human Resource Management and Organizational Quality - of the Federal University of Rio Grande do Norte as Carvalho e Souza(2006), Souza, Medeiros e Fernandes (2006), Souza et al (2009, 2010), Cavalcante et al (2011a, 2011b, 2011c, 2011d) were the main theoretical references for the construction of the model that was tested. Data collection was done through a survey with 71 indicators, in 2 visits to cities from the Diocese of Pesqueira, Pernambuco. The first data collection occurred in the period between May 30 and June 3, 2011, in Buique/PE and the second collection happened in Pesqueira/PE, in St. Joseph Seminary, in the period between July 6-8, 2011. 720 questionnaires were collected. The sample was divided into two parts. Exploratory Factor Analysis was applied in first part and Confirmatory Factor Analysis - structural equation modeling - in the second half. The examination of the results achieved by the expectations, reasons for entry, reasons for staying and exit reasons showed that all hypotheses were accepted. So the motivation of voluntary Pastoral da Criança can be explained by a set of interactions between these five constructs: Altruistic, Affectionate, Amiable, Adjusted and Astute
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This work aims to analyze social and educational actions at Pastoral da Criança, using education as a survival tool. This was done at Parque dos Coqueiros, a neighborhood in Natal, Rio Grande do Norte. The methodology for data collection was composed of comprehensive interview (Jean Kaufmann), participant observation (Robert Bogdan) and documental analysis (Le Goff); all os which bring reflections related to concepts such as strategies, tatics and know how (Michel de Certeau), configuration (Nobert Elias), and control technology (Michel de Foucault), care ethics (Leonardo Boff) and etno-theories (Natália Ramos). Pastoral da Criança is a social action organism that belongs to the National Conference of Bishops of Brazil, originated at Florestópolis, Londrina (Paraná), in the year of 1983. These actions have been an expression of a new logic of actions of the Catholic Church. It values the participation of laymen in the activities of the Pastoral. Thus, the parish is seen as a nucleus that irradiates the Church s Social Doctrine. At Rio Grande do Norte this institution has guided poverty stricken families on issues related to children s health as well as working with laymen for volunteer work. This is considered devotion, that is firmed by an individual and group mystique. The social and educational actions are done in three axes: 1) Monthly home visits, where there is mother-child support; 2) Life Celebration Day, where they weigh children and promote nutritional surveillance; 3) Meeting for Evaluation and Reflection, that aims to articulate community leaders to think about problems attached to the social actions they realize. This action tripod , as it is called by the Pastoral Agents are the types of actions that fundament survival education for poor children ranging from 0 to 6 years old. The families learn to deal with prevention, the essential, the alternative and probabilities of survival tactics due to exclusion matters or even social extermination. The Pastoral da Criança aims to recover childhood emotions in poverty stricken areas. It also has influence in the diminishing of malnutrition and mother and child mortality. This education for survival is the base on the art of teaching and learning of poverty stricken children. It is a social educational action, non assistencialist, but considered a shy action in order to promote mobilization of the communities that are accompanied for the emancipation and change of social conditions
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Nos idos dos anos 1960, a intervenção sobre a cultura popular tornou-se um suposto da ação política de agentes modernizadores da sociedade brasileira. Por meio da Conferência Nacional dos Bispos do Brasil (CNBB), a Igreja Católica elaborou um projeto educacional de dimensão nacional, articulando suas emissoras de rádio no território brasileiro aos centros de educação radiofnica rural e criando, em 1961, o Movimento de Educação de Base (MEB). Os pressupostos teóricos e filosóficos do Movimento transcendiam as questões do aprendizado formal e pautavam-se por estratégias de ação da Igreja sobre os problemas de crescimento econômico e desenvolvimento social das regiões pobres brasileiras. O artigo em questãoversa sobre o camponês que participou do MEB e suas experiências escolares, avaliando os preceitos de educação rural, educação cívica e alfabetização de adultos propostos na ação dos agentes e das instituições modernizadoras do campo brasileiro. Analisamos os processos de assimilação e resistência do camponês aos princípios e projetos modernizantes externos à sua cultura. Novos ritmos de tempo, novas representações e novos significados foram introduzidos pela escola sobre práticas culturais seculares do campesinato brasileiro. No MEB, tal fenômeno resultou tanto na assimilação dos novos estímulos trazidos pela escola, quanto na insurreição de costumes e hábitos interligados às funções ritualísticas e costumeiras do indivíduo e/ou da comunidade rural.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Pós-graduação em Música - IA
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At first glance, the nationalist ideology of the French Revolution seems to have had little impact on the Orthodox Church in Romanian-speaking territories. Romanians were the predominant inhabitants of the principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia and the neighboring territories of Transylvania (including Crişana, Maramureş and Banat), Bukovina, Bessarabia, and Dobrudja. The majority of ethnic Romanians belonged to the Orthodox faith while their communities were at the intersection of geopo liti cal interests of the Rus sian, Ottoman, and Habsburg empires. In 1859 the Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia (known as the Old Kingdom between 1866 and 1918) united into a single state under the rule of a local prince. The term "Romania" began to be used by the new state in its of cial documents in 1862. Two years later, the state supported the declaration of a Romanian autocephalous (in de pen dent) church that was recognized by the Ecumenical Patriarchate in 1885. As an integrative part of the Orthodox commonwealth, the church was situated between the competing jurisdictions of the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the Rus sian Orthodox Church, while its declaration of autocephaly followed a pattern in the spread of national churches in Southeastern Europe. From the Treaty of Kuchuk Kainardji of 1774 to the beginning of the Greek War for In de pen dence in 1821, the Romanian principalities were under the suzerainty of the Ottoman Empire, which had full control of their po liti cal and economic affairs. The sultan appointed princes, and the Porte determined their po liti cal and judicial status. The princes were drawn from the "Phanariots," and were directly appointed by the Porte from preponderantly Greek elite rather than the Romanian local elite, the boyars (boieri).1 In each principality, the church was headed by a metropolitan who was under the direct jurisdiction of the Ecumenical Patriarchate. That religion mattered to local population as a means of social cohesion was suggestively depicted by Anatole de Demidoff, an En glish traveler in the region in 1837. Arriving in Bucharest, the capital of Wallachia, he claimed that: I know of no city in Europe in which it is possible to find more agreeable society, or in which there is a better tone, united with the most charming gaiety⋯. Religion, which is here of the schismatic Greek creed, does not, properly speaking, hold any great empire over the minds of the Wallachian people, but they observe its outward forms, and particularly the austerities of fasting, with scrupulous exactitude. The people are seen to attend divine ser vice with every sign of respect, and the great number of churches existing in Wallachia, bear witness to the ardent zeal with which outward worship is honored.2 The Romanian Orthodox Church was a national institution, closely linked to social, economic, and po liti cal structures. In most cases, Orthodox hierarchs were appointed from the families of boyars, thus ensuring a close relationship with the state authorities and its policies. As one of the largest landowners in the principalities, the church had a prime role in administrating healthcare and education. Although the majority of the clergy was uneducated, it dispensed both ecclesiastical and civil justice and in many cases worked closely with boyars in local administration.3 The lower clergy not only contributed directly to the economy but also benefited from tax privileges. Some small villages had an unusually high proportion of clergy in comparison to the overall population. For example, in 1810, Stənisləveşti, a village in the south of Wallachia, was composed of eleven houses and had two priests, five deacons, and three cantors; similarly, the Frəsinet village of nineteen houses had two priests and five deacons.4 Although these cases were exceptional, they indicate both the economic value of being a member of the clergy and the wider canonical dimension of church jurisdiction. The special status of the clergy was reflected not only at lower but also at higher levels. Bishops and metropolitans engaged with state policy and in many cases opposition to the authorities led to the loss of a spiritual seat. The metropolitan of each principality worked with the prince and was president of the divan, the gathering of all boyars. He held the right to be the first person to comment on state policy and to make recommendations when the prince was absent. The metropolitan replaced the prince when the principality had no political ruler, such as in the cases of Metropolitan Veniamin Costachi of Moldavia in 1806 and Metropolitan Dositei Filitti of Wallachia, while the bishops of Buzəu and Argeş were members of the provisional government during the Rus sian occupation of the principalities in 1808. The higher clergy had both religious and political prerogatives in relation to foreign powers as evident in their heading of the boyars' delegation to peace negotiation between the Rus sian and Ottoman empires at Focşani in 1772 and addressing memoranda to the Austrian and Rus sian governments in 1802.5 The primary role of the church in the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia was paralleled by the national mobilization of Orthodox communities in the neighboring territories that had Romanian inhabitants. Although throughout the region Orthodox communities were incorporated into church structures as part of the Habsburg, Austrian or Rus sian empires, the nineteenth century was characterized by the leadership's search for political autonomy and the building of a Romanian national identity. The Orthodox communities outside the Old Kingdom maintained relations with the faithful in principalities across the Carpathian Mountains and the Dniester River and sought support in their struggle for political and religious rights.
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The present study has proposed a structural model to identify the reasons why individuals become voluntary, keep and exit this type of work. The empirical space was the Pastoral da Criança - social action agency of the National Conference of Bishops of Brazil (CNBB) - community-based institution that has its work based on solidarity and the sharing of knowledge. The theoretical framework has the context in which are volunteering studies in Brazilian and world level. Then discuss the various concepts of volunteering and presented the theoretical models of volunteer motivation. Studies of Mostyn (1983) and studies conducted by the BEPEGE-Base for Studies and Research in Management Policies and Strategies - in their line of research GERQUAL - Human Resource Management and Organizational Quality - of the Federal University of Rio Grande do Norte as Carvalho e Souza(2006), Souza, Medeiros e Fernandes (2006), Souza et al (2009, 2010), Cavalcante et al (2011a, 2011b, 2011c, 2011d) were the main theoretical references for the construction of the model that was tested. Data collection was done through a survey with 71 indicators, in 2 visits to cities from the Diocese of Pesqueira, Pernambuco. The first data collection occurred in the period between May 30 and June 3, 2011, in Buique/PE and the second collection happened in Pesqueira/PE, in St. Joseph Seminary, in the period between July 6-8, 2011. 720 questionnaires were collected. The sample was divided into two parts. Exploratory Factor Analysis was applied in first part and Confirmatory Factor Analysis - structural equation modeling - in the second half. The examination of the results achieved by the expectations, reasons for entry, reasons for staying and exit reasons showed that all hypotheses were accepted. So the motivation of voluntary Pastoral da Criança can be explained by a set of interactions between these five constructs: Altruistic, Affectionate, Amiable, Adjusted and Astute
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The present study has proposed a structural model to identify the reasons why individuals become voluntary, keep and exit this type of work. The empirical space was the Pastoral da Criança - social action agency of the National Conference of Bishops of Brazil (CNBB) - community-based institution that has its work based on solidarity and the sharing of knowledge. The theoretical framework has the context in which are volunteering studies in Brazilian and world level. Then discuss the various concepts of volunteering and presented the theoretical models of volunteer motivation. Studies of Mostyn (1983) and studies conducted by the BEPEGE-Base for Studies and Research in Management Policies and Strategies - in their line of research GERQUAL - Human Resource Management and Organizational Quality - of the Federal University of Rio Grande do Norte as Carvalho e Souza(2006), Souza, Medeiros e Fernandes (2006), Souza et al (2009, 2010), Cavalcante et al (2011a, 2011b, 2011c, 2011d) were the main theoretical references for the construction of the model that was tested. Data collection was done through a survey with 71 indicators, in 2 visits to cities from the Diocese of Pesqueira, Pernambuco. The first data collection occurred in the period between May 30 and June 3, 2011, in Buique/PE and the second collection happened in Pesqueira/PE, in St. Joseph Seminary, in the period between July 6-8, 2011. 720 questionnaires were collected. The sample was divided into two parts. Exploratory Factor Analysis was applied in first part and Confirmatory Factor Analysis - structural equation modeling - in the second half. The examination of the results achieved by the expectations, reasons for entry, reasons for staying and exit reasons showed that all hypotheses were accepted. So the motivation of voluntary Pastoral da Criança can be explained by a set of interactions between these five constructs: Altruistic, Affectionate, Amiable, Adjusted and Astute
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In this article, I examine the implications of rewriting definitions of sanity and insanity through the use of noise, silence, and language,positioningElizabeth Bishop’s short story “In the Village” as a form of resistance against traditional readings of madness, logocentrism, and identity. I suggest that by writing her characters as undivided from the world of sound, Elizabeth Bishop’s story shifts understandings of insanity, which is often conceptualized through denials of agency, allowing her characters to escape in noises and hesitations in language and communication. “In the Village” avoids silencing the “insane” mother through her placement in a caesura of sound and silence. This article avoids a biographical reading of “In the Village,” which is often connected with her own mother’s “mental breakdown,” because Bishop’s writing would have been as much affected by her conscious awareness of her past as it was by the unconscious impulses and histories of writing in the West. Rather, I take into account Bishop’s own personal history as well as the repetitions that reflect a placement in a tradition appearing in the story itself. Using this particular lens, I believe a rereading of “In the Village” is in order, where the “mad mother” is not silenced by the oppressive social structures that control the insane,” but she instead finds escape in the multitudes of sounds that associate with her, erasing the power of language and opening a new world where agency exists in a scream or in a striking hammer.
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"Chartae originales ex registris sedis episcopalis Wygorn, et decani & capituli ejusdem. Nunc primum editae": 8, 183 p. (Third and fourth groups)
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Half-title: The Zurich letters. (Second series) A.D. 1558-1602.
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Includes index.