988 resultados para Drama social


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This paper proposes to analyse a situation of social drama involving the Krahô Indians (classified in ethnology as belonging to Jê-Timbira group) and the Museu Paulista of the Universidade de São Paulo, which we can classify as two distinct social fields. The understanding of the drama is conveyed through an examination of each of these fields and the coming together of both on the basis of the positions taken up, within the network of relationships established during the social process, by actors representing both the Krahô field and what we may call here the academic-administrative field. A multi-sited ethnographic approach is adopted, seeking the complexity of the drama and the positions in the aforementioned network, taking into consideration institutional political projects, personal projects and personal trajectories within a historical perspective. The aim is to encourage discussion of the relationship between the formation of the historical-scientific and ethnographic museums and the practices of the anthropological discipline, as well as the social role of these institutions and the processes of signification of objects belonging to the indigenous material culture

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This paper proposes to analyse a situation of social drama involving the Krahô Indians (classified in ethnology as belonging to Jê-Timbira group) and the Museu Paulista of the Universidade de São Paulo, which we can classify as two distinct social fields. The understanding of the drama is conveyed through an examination of each of these fields and the coming together of both on the basis of the positions taken up, within the network of relationships established during the social process, by actors representing both the Krahô field and what we may call here the academic-administrative field. A multi-sited ethnographic approach is adopted, seeking the complexity of the drama and the positions in the aforementioned network, taking into consideration institutional political projects, personal projects and personal trajectories within a historical perspective. The aim is to encourage discussion of the relationship between the formation of the historical-scientific and ethnographic museums and the practices of the anthropological discipline, as well as the social role of these institutions and the processes of signification of objects belonging to the indigenous material culture

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Durante los últimos 35 años las drogas ilegales han constituido un factor significativo en el drama social colombiano. Hoy día es común atribuir a éstas la causalidad de muchos problemas del país y se han elaborado algunas explicaciones del desarrollo de dicha "industria" en Colombia, de las cuales se derivan recomendaciones de política, tanto las implementadas por los gobiernos como las recomendadas por los críticos. El Centro de Estudios y Observatorio de Drogas y Delito (Ceodd),(...) de la Facultad de Economía de la Universidad del Rosario, ha encontrado que las explicaciones más comunes pueden clasificarse en tres grupos. El primero, incluye afirmaciones simples que atribuyen el desarrollo de las drogas ilegales a la pobreza, a la desigualdad, a las crisis económicas, a la corrupción o a la localización de Colombia a mitad de camino entre las plantaciones de coca de Bolivia y Perú con Estados Unidos. (...) En segundo lugar, se encuentran las razones basadas en modelos de criminalidad común, también llamados policivos, en los cuales las leyes surgen de procesos legitimados por la sociedad y quienes las violan son considerados personas con comportamientos desviados, que deben corregirse por medio de sanciones o restricciones. Siguiendo este enfoque, las políticas hacia las drogas tienen que ser represivas. En tercer lugar, están las respuestas basadas en la elevada rentabilidad de las drogas, generada por su ilegalidad, y por la existencia de una gran demanda internacional: por ejemplo, un kilo de cocaína en Colombia puede costar unos US$1.500 y cuando llega a los Estados Unidos se paga entre US$15.000 y US$18.000. Según estimaciones de las Naciones Unidas, en los últimos años la demanda mundial de cocaína ha estado alrededor de 800 toneladas. Este enfoque justifica la producción ilegal y quienes lo apoyan creen que el país produce drogas como resultado de un ‘choque externo’. Los que comulgan con esta posición consideran que Colombia, en los años sesenta, era una nación típica en términos de criminalidad, afectada por el surgimiento de una gran demanda externa de drogas que estimuló la producción de éstas. Este desarrollo constituye la causa principal de los graves problemas que enfrenta actualmente el país. Según esta explicación, la razón por la cual el país produce drogas radica en el exterior y la única solución es la legalización para acabar el ‘choque externo’. Desafortunadamente, quienes apoyan este modelo no explican por qué ese ‘choque externo’ afectó de manera tan grave a Colombia y no a otros países como Ecuador, Perú y Bolivia, donde no se desarrollaron grandes carteles de traficantes, o en Malasia, Indonesia y Taiwán, que en el pasado fueron grandes exportadores de coca. Sin embargo, la evidencia empírica encontrada por el Ceodd contradice los argumentos anteriores, pues ninguno explica por qué la producción y el tráfico de drogas ilegales están concentrados en pocos países. En el caso de la teoría policiva, la concentración se explicaría solamente si por razones genéticas una población fuera más proclive al crimen. Respecto a la producción justificada por la rentabilidad, ésta se explicaría si todos los países que pudieran producir coca, amapola, cocaína y heroína lo estuvieran haciendo. La coca puede crecer en unos 30 países, la amapola en 120 y la cocaína y la heroína se pueden refinar en cualquier parte del mundo. Por consiguiente, si la rentabilidad determinara la producción, Colombia sería sólo uno entre los muchos productores. De la misma forma, otras explicaciones como la pobreza, las crisis, la desigualdad y la corrupción fallan porque dichos problemas son endémicos en muchas sociedades que no producen o trafican drogas. La localización geográfica del país, por su parte, no explica por qué en Colombia surgieron las grandes organizaciones criminales. Además, cuando la diferencia entre los precios de exportación e importación es tan grande, como en el caso de la cocaína y de la heroína, los costos de transporte y la distancia son problemas menores. En ese caso lo que importa es reducir el riesgo y no la distancia. Ahora bien, si no hubiera demanda de drogas tampoco habría oferta y sin oferta no habría demanda. La teoría económica enseña que la demanda y la oferta son como las dos hojas de una tijera: ambas son necesarias para que haya un mercado. Para el Ceodd, estas afirmaciones son ciertas pero triviales e incompletas. La rentabilidad de las drogas es una condición necesaria, pero no suficiente para que en un país se cultive coca y se refine cocaína. Entonces, lo que se debe averiguar es por qué una condición necesaria, en el caso colombiano, se vuelve suficiente. Es claro que la gran demanda internacional es ilegal y que cuando un producto fácil de fabricar, que no requiere grandes destrezas o capital -como la cocaína o la heroína- es declarado ilegal a nivel mundial, su producción y tráfico tenderá a concentrarse en los países donde el imperio de la ley sea más débil y la sociedad más laxa frente a la ilegalidad. Es cierto que si la cocaína no fuera rentable no se produciría, pero Colombia no concentra la producción de cocaína porque sea rentable sino porque es ilegal, advierte el director del Ceodd, Francisco E. Thoumi.

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Los ni??os y ni??as de 0 a 6 a??os, tienen contacto con la muerte casi a diario (telediario, pel??culas, videojuegos). Estos contactos con la muerte son de tipos muy diversos: desde la muerte como entretenimiento hasta el drama social. En el art??culo se habla de dos vertientes pedag??gicas: pedagog??a de la muerte y pedagog??a del duelo; y nos enumera diez claves para la pedagog??a de la muerte.

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The tradition and living in African-Brazilian religious spaces, called yards, reveal how dynamic the reproduction and exchange of knowledge are, and that through their worldview, reveal ways of dealing with health and disease. The yards are culturally rich territories, in which people shape concepts, practices, and beliefs about health, disease and forms of healing, passed on from generation to generation through oral tradition. With the advent of HIV/AIDS from the 80s, a new challenge is established in the community of the yards and in the individual trajectories of people affected by the disease, who since an early age participate in this religious practice. The objective of this research is the analysis on the stigma in living with HIV/AIDS in yards of Umbanda in Fortaleza-Ceará, considering the (re)production of social dramas experienced by the community in question. During the investigation we adopted two basic parameters: the first one considers the understanding of the reproduction of stigma (or deteriorated identity) in relation to HIV/AIDS in its socio-historical dimension and its effects in the investigated context (Goffman, 1988). And the second one refers to the creation and reproduction of social dramas as a social experience carried through learning, handling and symbolic performance, which is reproduced in four stages: rupture, crisis, corrective action and reintegration (Turner, 1971)

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The work aims to investigate some of the educational actions developed in the differentiated Tapeba schools (CE), in their pedagogical practices. The reading of these practices as ritual of ethnic cultural resistance is accomplished by the approach of studies of experience and performance in the anthropology, as well as, the analytical perspective suggested by the dramaturgy ideas and social drama. So, taking a critical approach of the school, that conceives it, while time space privileged of possibilities of political social change, this work searches to notice the means of achievement of a differentiated education. I aim at, with that, to observe the ritual moments and performáticos of the pedagogic practices of Tapeba while important political-symbolic expressions of your collective experiences, looking at the process of construction of legitimacy of the school differentiated as scenery of creation of pedagogic rituals of resistance. Then, the Cultural Fair, Tapeba Indian Games, the Walking of Tapeba Indian`s Day and Carnauba Party by one side and the Cultural Classes, by another, promote a re-thinking on the experiences of Tapeba ethnicity, distinguishing also, in this process of identity affirmation, the political pedagogical role fulfilled by land re-taking. Finally, this work makes clear that Tapeba prove to be individuals with rights and at the same time they want to legitimate their differentiated school practices, Tapeba construct the meaning of their social actions in the educative and in other aspects of their communitarian living as well

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Pós-graduação em Geografia - FCT

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Na Amazônia oriental, famílias de agricultores constroem seu cotidiano de vida a partir das florestas que completam a paisagem, apropriando-se dos recursos materiais e não materiais oriundos dessa vegetação. A pressão humana sobre a natureza, com o passar dos anos, gera um drama social. As famílias vêem declinarem as florestas à sua volta e sentem ameaçada sua permanência na terra. Buscou-se discutir as diversas faces dessa relação famílias-florestas, embasado na detalhada observação do cotidiano de vida na Comunidade Jericó, em Garrafão do Norte, Pará, Brasil, utilizando como recursos: entrevistas, conversas informais e registros fotográficos, tendo sempre no conhecimento empírico local sobre a natureza uma base sólida para as análises. Existe preocupação por parte das famílias com a degradação das florestas, entretanto, há uma constante necessidade de utilizá-las na garantia das produções agropecuárias e das outras atividades cotidianas. E nesse contexto a floresta funciona como um espelho do homem, diante do qual ele busca se entender no mundo.

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El incremento de los negocios inmobiliarios que se viene dando en Patagonia en forma sostenida desde los '90 impacta fuertemente en Lago Puelo sobre los reclamos de tenencia de la tierra de descendientes de antiguos pobladores llegados a la región a fines del S. XIX. El siguiente artículo se propone analizar desde una perspectiva turneriana, y a partir de la reciente conformación de una Comunidad Mapuche en la localidad, como se relacionan las luchas por la tenencia de la tierra, la identidad étnico - nacional de los actores en pugna y el rol jugado por el Estado provincial y local vía su política territorial. Analizar dichos sucesos en clave de "drama social" nos permitirá no sólo comprender las diferentes etapas que se vienen dando en esta lucha ya entenaria, sino proveer de un marco desde el cual repensar, a partir del análisis de esta pequeña localidad, la historia "oficial" de las identidades de los pueblos cordilleranos.

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In this paper, I investigate the (mis)performance of ‘passing’ in the context of bodies with disabilities. The desire to conceal, control or contain a body’s idiosyncrasies can be a deceitful act, complicit with dominant cultural assumptions about the benefits of fitting in. Passing, and the performative tricks, techniques and prostheses that support the ‘lie’ of passing, upholding a social contract in which a closeting-as-cure approach accommodates discomfort with difference. In this paper, I consider moments of non-passing, where people are caught out by mistakes or deliberate misperformances of the daily social drama of ability and disability. I reference the work of disabled artists Bill Shannon, Aaron Williamson and Katherine Araniello, who re-perform their daily personal interactions in the public sphere as a sort of guerilla theatre. Their work brings hidden assumptions about how disabled people should act and interact to the brink of visibility. It challenges passers-by to confront their complicity in these discourses by pressing them to re-perform their own spontaneous reactions to bodies that misperform the ‘lie’ of normalcy.

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This thesis examines the intersection of popular cultural representations of HIV and AIDS and the discourses of public health campaigns. Part Two provides a comprehensive record of all HIV related storylines in Australian television drama from the first AIDS episode of The Flying Doctors in 1986 to the ongoing narrative of Pacific Drive, with its core HIV character, in 1996. Textual representations are examined alongside the agency of "cultural technicians" working within the television industry. The framework for this analysis is established in Part One of the thesis, which examines the discursive contexts for speaking about HIV and AIDS established through national health policy and the regulatory and industry framework for broadcasting in Australia. The thesis examines the dominant liberal democratic framework for representation of HIV I AIDS and adopts a Foucauldian understanding of the processes of governmentality to argue that during the period of the 1980s and 1990s a strand of social democratic discourse combined with practices of self management and the management of the Australian population. The actions of committed agents within both domains of popular culture and health education ensured that more challenging expressions of HIV found their way into public culture.

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The Life Drama program is a theatre-based experiential learning program developed in Papua New Guinea over the past seven years. The Life Drama team recognises that a significant proportion of “education” for learners of all ages takes place outside formal education systems, particularly in developing nations such as Papua New Guinea. If arts education principles and practices are to contribute meaningfully and powerfully to resolving social and cultural challenges, it is important to recognise that many learners and educators will encounter and use these principles and practices outside of school or university settings. This paper briefly describes the Life Drama program and its context, highlights its two streams of operation (community educators and teacher educators) and indicates some ways in which an arts-based education initiative like Life Drama contributes to Goal 3 of the Seoul Agenda:“Apply arts education principles and practices to contribute to resolving the social and cultural challenges facing today‟s world.” In particular, the project addresses sub-goal 3b:“Recognize and develop the social and cultural well-being dimensions of arts education”.

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This is a study exploring teenaged girls’ understanding and experiences of cyberbullying as a contemporary social phenomenon. Participants included 4 Grade 11 and 12 girls from a medium-sized independent school in southwestern Ontario, Canada. The girls participated in 9 extracurricular study sessions from January to April 2013. During the sessions, they engaged with Drama for Social Intervention (Clark, 2009; Conrad, 2004; Lepp, 2011) activities with the intended goal of producing a collective creation. Qualitative data were collected throughout the sessions using fieldnotes, participant journals, interviews, and participant artefacts. The findings are presented as an ethnodrama (Campbell & Conrad, 2006; Denzin, 2003; Saldaña, 1999) with each thematic statement forming a title of a scene in the script (Rogers, Frellick, & Babinski, 2002). The study found that girl identity online consists of many disconnected avatars. It also suggested that distancing (Eriksson, 2011) techniques, used to engender safety in Drama for Social Intervention, might have contributed to participant disengagement with the study’s content. Implications for further research included the utility of arts-based methods to promote participants’ feelings of growth and reflection, and a reevaluation of cyberbullying discourses to better reflect girls’ multiple avatar identities. Implications for teachers and administrators encompassed a need for preventative approaches to cyberbullying education, incorporating affective empathy-building (Ang & Goh, 2010) and addressing girls’ feelings of safety in perceived anonymity online.