A mérsékelt iszlamista mozgalmak szerepe az "arab tavaszt" követő politikai átmenetben (The Role of Moderate Islamist Movements in the Political Transition Following the Arab Spring)

Up to January 2011 authoritarian political regimes in the Middle East had widely been considered stable due to the armed forces, the underdeveloped political institutions, the economic embeddedness of the regimes, the neo-patrimonial structure of the Arab societies and, eventually the characteristics of Islam. Middle Eastern political systems are often considered to belong to a special sub-group of non-democratic regimes called “liberalized autocracies”. The 2011 events show that there is a new, as yet non-defined political structure emerging. Although there are different interpretations of the developments, there is a consensus on the determinant role of the Islamist organizations in the development of the new political structure. The results of the Egyptian and Tunisian parliamentary elections show that the secular political parties could not attract the public, while in Tunisia the long forbidden Hizb an-Nahda could form a government. In Egypt Hizb al-Hurriya established by the Muslim Brotherhood in 2011 won almost half of the parliamentary mandates, and to a great surprise, the Salafi Hizb an-Nour also received 24.3% of the votes. On the basis of the above developments the thesis of the Islamist re-organization of the Middle East, i.e. of a new wave of Islamism was elaborated, according to which the main political winners of the revolts in the Arab countries are the Islamist organizations, which could step in and fill in the political vacuum. While some speak of an Islamist autumn or Islamist winter as the result of the Arab Spring, others prefer the term Islamic revolutions.

Children’s access to beneficial information in Arab states: Implementation of Article 17 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child in Egypt, Morocco and the United Arab Emirates

In theory, the multiple platforms and transnational nature of digital media, along with a related proliferation of diverse forms of content, make it easier for children’s right to access socially and culturally beneficial information and material to be realised, as required by Article 17 of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). Drawing on data collected during research on children’s screen content in the Arab world, combined with scrutiny of documents collated by the Committee on the Rights of the Child, which monitors compliance with the CRC, this paper explores how three Arab countries, Egypt, Morocco and the United Arab Emirates, presented their efforts to implement Article 17 as part of their periodic reporting on their overall performance in putting the CRC into effect. It uncovers tensions over the relationship between provision, participation and protection in relation to media, reveals that Article 17 is liable to get less attention than it deserves in contexts where governments keep a tight grip on media, and that, by appearing to give it a lower priority, all parties neglect the intersection between human rights in relation to media and children’s rights.

Children's TV and Digital Media in the Arab World

Who analyses children’s screen content and media use in Arab countries, and with what results? Children, defined internationally as under-18s, account for some 40 per cent of Arab populations and the proportion of under-fives is correspondingly large. Yet studies of children’s media and child audiences in the region are as scarce as truly popular locally produced media content aimed at children. At the very time when conflict and uncertainty in key Arab countries have made local development and diversification of children’s media more remote, it has become more urgent to gain a better understanding of how the next generation’s identities and world-views are formed. This interdisciplinary book is the first in English to probe both the state of Arab screen media for children and the practices of Arabic-speaking children in producing, as well as consuming, screen content. It responds to the gap in research by bringing together a holistic investigation of institutions and leading players, children’s media experiences and some iconic media texts. With children’s media increasingly linked to merchandising, which favours US-based global players and globalizing forces, this volume provides a timely insight into tensions between differing concepts of childhood and desirable media messages.

Relações sinuosas: Portugal e o mundo árabe, 1950-1973

Nas três últimas décadas do colonialismo português, as políticas destinadas às populações muçulmanas da Guiné e de Moçambique passaram da hostilidade mais ou menos aberta para uma estratégia de sedução, com vista a promover um “Islão português” e a usar certos sectores muçulmanos no combate aos movimentos nacionalistas. Esta transição teve também uma componente transnacional, na medida em que se quis alargar a intervenção portuguesa a um espaço estratégico designado como “mundo islâmico”. O presente artigo procura analisar essa intervenção, debruçando-se sobre o pensamento geopolítico que a informou e as suas aplicações diplomáticas, em particular no relacionamento com os países árabes.

La situación de los refugiados palestinos en el Líbano a partir del Acuerdo de Taif en la década de los 90.

El interés de esta monografía es analizar la situación en la que viven los refugiados palestinos en el Líbano a partir de las políticas impuestas por el gobierno desde la década de los 90. Se analiza y explica cómo un Estado con el fin de defender su seguridad nacional se convierte en una fuente de amenazas para la seguridad humana de ciertos individuos. A través de la perspectiva de Barry Buzan se busca explicar el proceso de securitización por medio del cual los refugiados palestinos son vistos como una amenaza existencial para la seguridad nacional libanesa.

Estudio de caso. “la cumbre de los países de américa del sur y países árabes en el posicionamiento de brasil como potencia latinoamericana” (2005-2012)

El presente trabajo de investigación tiene como objetivo realizar un análisis sobre el papel de la Cumbre de los países de América del sur y los países árabes (ASPA) en el posicionamiento de Brasil como potencia latinoamericana. Teniendo en cuenta lo anterior, esta investigación demostrará que dicha Cumbre constituye un elemento estratégico para el posicionamiento de Brasil como potencia a nivel regional en Latinoamérica, no solo por tratarse de una plataforma fructífera para consolidar el liderazgo regional de dicha nación, sino por su relevancia para fortalecer su prestigio internacional y el deseo de participar en la conformación del orden mundial a través de la cooperación Sur-Sur. Al ser este un estudio de caso que aborda experiencias concretas durante un tiempo determinado, el diseño de la investigación será longitudinal, ya que abarcará artículos y textos académicos que se han realizado desde 2005 hasta el año 2012.

The Gulf Cooperation Council as a New Regional Power: Time for the EU to Propose a Strategic Partnership. Bruges Regional Integration & Global Governance Papers 3/2012, November 2012

The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) is a de facto regional power in the Arab world. Its role has been crucial in some of the outcomes of the Arab Spring. The GCC countries have been very pragmatic in dealing with the uprisings, avoiding any revolutionary spill-over throughout the Gulf region. This paper examines to what extent the policies of the European Union (EU) in the Gulf have changed since the beginning of the Arab Spring. It argues that despite the calls by the European Parliament and by the High Representative Baroness Ashton to improve the relationship, the EU’s support for a new policy in the Gulf after the Arab Spring is stalling, and little new or concrete has been achieved. The paper concludes that the Union needs a reinforced partnership that merges the various EU policies in the region into a single strategic partnership with the Arab countries.

A diplomacia dos petrodólares: relações do Brasil com o mundo árabe (1973-1985)

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

ロシアの中東政策 -- プーチン大統領のシリア政策を通じて

The active initiative taken by Russian President Vladamir Putin by bombarding the antigovernment forces in Syria at the end of September 2015 startled the world by its precalculated boldness. Russian intervention has radically changed the dynamic of the war by empowering the Syrian government of Bashar Assad, and has resulted in a ceasefire agreement which starts on 27th February 2016, led by Russia and the US. No one can predict at present the next stage of conflicts in Syria or whether it will result in a positive solution to the tragic wars there. However, there is no denying the fact that Russia has played an important role in the development of the game. This paper analyzes the motivations of Putin in intervening in the Syrian crisis and the factors which have enabled Russia to play an enlarged role in the Middle East, seemingly beyond its objective capabilities. Legacies of international networks built during the Soviet period; shrewd tactics in making use of the inconsistency and vacillation of US policies, particularly towards the Middle East; its historical experience of interaction with the Muslim cultures, including domestic ones; its geopolitical perception of world politics, and the export of energy resources and military weapons as tools of diplomacy are some of the factors which explain Russian behavior. At the same time, the personal leadership and accumulated experience of President Putin in formulating Russian diplomacy and in manipulating different issues in a combined policy should be taken into account. His initiative in Syria succeeded to some extent in turning world attention away from the Ukrainian issue, aimed at changing the present sanctions imposed by the West. Another phenomenon to be noted in the international arena is the newly developed mutual interaction between Russia and the Arab countries in the Gulf. Frequent visits to Russia by autocratic leaders, including kings, emirsand princes do not always reflect a shared common interest between Russia and the Arab leaders. On the contrary, in spite of sharp and fundamental differences in their attitude toward the issues related to Syria, Iran and Yemen, the Arab leaders find it necessary to communicate with Russia and to know Russia’s expected strategies and intentions towards the Middle East, apart from its oil and gas policies. The Iran deal on the nuclear issue in July 2015 may have been a factor behind the phenomena.

Hādhā kitāb Īḍāḥ al-dalālāt fī samāʻ al-ālāt

li-ʻAbd al-Ghanī al-Nābulusī.

al- Risālah al-thānīyah min rasāʼil al-ʻAllāmah al-Shaykh ʻAbd al-Raḥmān al-Tājūrī : manuscript, [ca. 1635]

Written in one column, 25 lines per page, in black and red.

Tuḥfat ahl al-fukāhah fī al-munādamah wa-al-nazāhah

li-muʼallifihi Muḥammad Afandī Saʻd. Wa-bi-hāmishihi Kitāb Aṭbāq al-dhahab / li-ʻAbd al-Muʼmin al-Maghribī al-Iṣfahānī.

Hādhā kitāb Nukhbat al-afkār / taʼlīf al-ʻallāmah Muḥammad ibn Badr al-Dīn al-Kāmilī al-Bayṭār : manuscript, undated

Title from fol. 1r.

The New Silk Road: a versatile instrument in China’s policy. OSW Commentary No. 161, February 10 2015

Introduction. The Chinese leader Xi Jinping presented the concept of the New Silk Road – a collection of land and maritime routes – in autumn 2013. Initially, it envisaged the creation of a network of infrastructural connections, mainly transport corridors, between China and its most important economic partner – Europe. The concept grew in importance throughout 2014 to become the key instrument of China’s foreign policy, especially in the areas of public diplomacy and soft power. Towards the end of 2014, the Chinese government announced it would establish a Silk Road Fund worth US$40 billion. The New Silk Road idea is a flexible formula used by China in its dialogue with many other countries. Its inclusive nature helps contribute to diluting the negative impression caused by China’s rapid economic expansion and assertiveness in foreign policy, especially with regard to its neighbours. The process of implementing the New Silk Road concept will allow China to expand its influence within its neighbourhood: in Central and South-Eastern Asia. The New Silk Road will be an alternative point of reference to the US dominance and Russian integration projects in these regions. The concept will legitimise and facilitate the growth of China’s influence in the transit countries on the route to Western Europe, i.e. in the Middle East (Arab countries, Israel and Turkey, the Horn of Africa and Central Europe (the Balkans and the Visegrad Group countries). This concept is also essential for China’s domestic policy. It has become one of Xi Jinping’s main political projects. It will boost the development of China’s central and western provinces. The fact that the concept is open and not fully defined means that it will be a success regardless of the extent to which it will be implemented in practice. Its flexible nature allows China to continue investments already initiated bilaterally and to present them as components of the New Silk Road concept.

Musiciens migrants d'origine arabe dans le contexte montréalais : le parcours de la reconnaissance

Ce mémoire traite des parcours de musiciens migrants d’origine arabe à Montréal. Il s’intéresse à la manière dont ces derniers construisent leurs carrières musicales dans ce contexte et acquièrent la reconnaissance des différents acteurs qu’ils côtoient – pairs, intervenants culturels, public. La méthodologie adoptée est de nature qualitative et correspond à une perspective ethnosociologique, le contexte musical de l’étude inscrivant la démarche dans le domaine de la sociomusicologie. Cinq musiciens ayant migré d’un pays arabe avec une pratique musicale préalable ont été rencontrés, ainsi que cinq acteurs du milieu musical qui interagissent avec eux. Ce corpus d’entretiens a été complété par de l’observation et l’étude de traces (ex. : disques, cv). La démarche d’enquête a permis d’élaborer un ensemble de propositions visant à comprendre les phénomènes sociaux observés. Il apparaît que ces musiciens construisent leurs carrières montréalaises grâce à une actualisation et réappropriation originale des sources et influences musicales accumulées au fil de leur vie, processus néanmoins tributaire des rouages du milieu musical. Celui-ci est constitué de multiples acteurs ayant chacun leurs objectifs, intérêts, contraintes vis-à-vis desquels les musiciens doivent s’ajuster, négocier, faire des compromis. Puis, l’ethnicité arabe qui est construite et mise en scène par les performances musicales peut vraisemblablement agir comme outil pour se démarquer dans le contexte montréalais. Cependant, les dynamiques qui sous-tendent les rapports sociaux que ces artistes entretiennent dans la métropole font en sorte qu’ils ont ultimement peu d’emprise sur la manière dont se manifeste la reconnaissance à leur égard et vis-à-vis de leurs pratiques musicales.