86 resultados para Dirt


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Dr Rebecca Zarger of the University of South Florida lectures on the subject of exposing young children to sustainable food production. Event held at the Green Library, Modesto Maidique Campus, Florida International University on January 29, 2014.

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In this paper we describe the development of a three-dimensional (3D) imaging system for a 3500 tonne mining machine (dragline).Draglines are large walking cranes used for removing the dirt that covers a coal seam. Our group has been developing a dragline swing automation system since 1994. The system so far has been `blind' to its external environment. The work presented in this paper attempts to give the dragline an ability to sense its surroundings. A 3D digital terrain map (DTM) is created from data obtained from a two-dimensional laser scanner while the dragline swings. Experimental data from an operational dragline are presented.

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Algebuckina Waterhole exists as a permanent waterhole near a north-south dirt road and an old trainline on the Oodnadatta Track - lines that once opened up the arid lands of central South Australia but are now bypassed. It also exists as the final and largest freshwater waterhole at the end of the Neales River system. It is a critical biodiversity site, a cultural place and a working environment. It is seen to need a resilient management plan that encompasses diverse interests and impacts. Its managers sense that the theories and practices emerging out of landscape disciplinary systems may be of help. Work-in-progress research towards a management methodology are presented through posing scenarios on how landscape thinking and design, informed by an emergent textual and visual lexicon for water landscapes, can intersect with scientific fieldwork to produce useful and transferable outcomes for Algebuckina.

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Since the launch of the ‘Clean Delhi, Green Delhi’ campaign in 2003, slums have become a significant social and political issue in India’s capital city. Through this campaign, the state, in collaboration with Delhi’s middle class through the ‘Bhagidari system’ (literally translated as ‘participatory system’), aims to transform Delhi into a ‘world-class city’ that offers a sanitised, aesthetically appealing urban experience to its citizens and Western visitors. In 2007, Delhi won the bid to host the 2010 Commonwealth Games; since then, this agenda has acquired an urgent, almost violent, impetus to transform Delhi into an environmentally friendly, aesthetically appealing and ‘truly international city’. Slums and slum-dwellers, with their ‘filth, dirt, and noise’, have no place in this imagined city. The violence inflicted upon slum-dwellers, including the denial of their judicial rights, is justified on these accounts. In addition, the juridical discourse since 2000 has ‘re-problematised slums as ‘nuisance’. The rising antagonism of the middle-classes against the poor, supported by the state’s ambition to have a ‘world-class city’, has allowed a new rhetoric to situate the slums in the city. These representations articulate slums as homogenised spaces of experience and identity. The ‘illegal’ status of slum-dwellers, as encroachers upon public space, is stretched to involve ‘social, cultural, and moral’ decadence and depravity. This thesis is an ethnographic exploration of everyday life in a prominent slum settlement in Delhi. It sensually examines the social, cultural and political materiality of slums, and the relationship of slums with the middle class. In doing so, it highlights the politics of sensorial ordering of slums as ‘filthy, dirty, and noisy’ by the middle classes to calcify their position as ‘others’ in order to further segregate, exclude and discriminate the slums. The ethnographic experience in the slums, however, highlights a complex sensorial ordering and politics of its own. Not only are the interactions between diverse communities in slums highly restricted and sensually ordained, but the middle class is identified as a sensual ‘other’, and its sensual practices prohibited. This is significant in two ways. First, it highlights the multiplicity of social, cultural experience and engagement in the slums, thereby challenging its homogenised representation. Second, the ethnographic exploration allowed me to frame a distinct sense of self amongst the slums, which is denied in mainstream discourses, and allowed me to identify the slums’ own ’others’, middle class being one of them. This thesis highlights sound – its production, performances and articulations – as an act with social, cultural, and political implications and manifestations. ‘Noise’ can be understood as a political construct to identify ‘others’ – and both slum-dwellers and the middle classes identify different sonic practices as noise to situate the ‘other’ sonically. It is within this context that this thesis frames the position of Listener and Hearer, which corresponds to their social-political positions. These positions can be, and are, resisted and circumvented through sonic practices. For instance, amplification tactics in the Karimnagar slums, which are understood as ‘uncultured, callous activities to just create more noise’ by the slums’ middle-class neighbours, also serve definite purposes in shaping and navigating the space through the slums’ soundscapes, asserting a presence that is otherwise denied. Such tactics allow the residents to define their sonic territories and scope of sonic performances; they are significant in terms of exerting one’s position, territory and identity, and they are very important in subverting hierarchies. The residents of the Karimnagar slums have to negotiate many social, cultural, moral and political prejudices in their everyday lives. Their identity is constantly under scrutiny and threat. However, the sonic cultures and practices in the Karimnagar slums allow their residents to exert a definite sonic presence – which the middle class has to hear. The articulation of noise and silence is an act manifesting, referencing and resisting social, cultural, and political power and hierarchies.

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Dirt collected with sugarcane is processed and separated from the juice in the sugar factory by filtration equipment for return to the cane fields. New technologies over the past decade have enabled performance improvements to be obtained for this key unit operation. Filter mud product still contains a reasonable amount of sugar and the transportation of high moisture mud product has considerable cost. Australia’s traditional approach has been to use Rotary Vacuum Filters for processing and separating mud and other impurities from juice, but in recent years there has been interest in reducing sugar losses and transportation costs through utilisation of new technologies such as Horizontal Bed Filters, Vacuum Belt Press Filters, Membrane Press Filters and Centrifuges. Increasingly, these alternative equipment are being installed in new factories. This chapter describes the general principles of mud filtration theory and mud conditioning followed by a detailed description and review of the various filtration technologies and analysis of the relative merits associated with the equipment.

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A travel article about a journey to the Cobourg Peninsula, Arnhem Land. "NOW I know I'm back,'' says our guide David McMahon as the scent of wood smoke makes its way into the 4WD. For McMahon, being back means Kakadu and Arnhem Land, and ultimately our final destination in the Northern Territory's Cobourg Peninsula. In the north, one of the first things you need to adjust is your attitude to fire. The indigenous people have long worked with it. The rangers perform controlled burns. The animals have adapted and know how to escape the flames. The smoke trail leads us down the old Jim Jim Rd, our first stretch of dirt track since leaving Darwin. Our destination is the Venture North campsite at Garig Gunak Barlu National Park...

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On the 5th December 2013, Australia and Korea announced that they had finalised a new free trade agreement. Is it a fair trade fairytale? Or is it a dirty deal done dirt cheap? It is hard to tell, because the respective governments have not yet published the text of the Korea-Australia Free Trade Agreement (KAFTA). There has been much debate in the Australian Parliament over the transparency of the trade agreement; the scope of market access provided under the deal; and the impact of the investment chapter, with an investor-state dispute settlement clause. KAFTA foreshadows the approach of the new Conservative Government in Australia to other trade deals – such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership.

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Australia and South Korea have signed a new free trade agreement - the Korea-Australia Free Trade Agreement (KAFTA). Is it a fair trade fairytale? Or is it a dirty deal done dirt cheap? Or somewhere in between? It is hard to tell, given the initial secrecy of the negotiations, and the complexity of the texts of the agreement There has been much debate in Parliament over the transparency of the trade agreement; the scope of market access provided under the deal; the impact of the investment chapter, with its investor-state dispute settlement clause; the intellectual property chapter; the environment chapter; its impact upon public health; and the labor rights chapter. KAFTA provides an indication of the approach of the new Conservative Government in Australia to other trade deals – such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership.

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The reflectivity of the bottom of a solar pond increases on account of the accumulation of dirt or the presence of undissolved salt. The effect of the reflection of the solar radiation at the bottom of the pond on the seasonal performance of the pond has been studied using a three zone model. The spectral reflectivity of dirt and common salt were measured in the laboratory and used in the analysis. The results obtained from the analysis show that the presence of dirt at the bottom of the pond does not affect the performance of the pond substantially. On the other hand, the presence of undissolved salt at the bottom of the pond results in substantial deterioration of the pond performance.

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A molecular inclusion complex has been obtained from the major acetylenic acid, santalbic acid (octadec-11-en-9-ynoic acid ortrans-11-octadecen-9-ynoic acid) of the seed oil ofSantalum album L. by a simple treatment of its sodium salt with dimethyl sulfate. Aqueous solutions (0.5–1%) of the complex produce good lather and have efficient cleansing (detergent) action on grease and dirt particles.

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A molecular inclusion complex has been obtained from the major acetylenic acid, santalbic acid (octadec-11-en-9-ynoic acid ortrans-11-octadecen-9-ynoic acid) of the seed oil ofSantalum album L. by a simple treatment of its sodium salt with dimethyl sulfate. Aqueous solutions (0.5–1%) of the complex produce good lather and have efficient cleansing (detergent) action on grease and dirt particles.

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In this chapter, we meet the eight children whose documented lives are the heart of this book. The children are spread across 6 continents, so we have some textual traveling to do. We find each child in a local school. There they venture into literacy along official paths negotiated with their teachers and, also, along unofficial paths tied to their desire for peer companionship and social belonging (Corsaro, 2011; Nelson, 2007). We are most interested in their literate productions—their composing, be it with stick and dirt, pencil, crayons, and paper, tablet computer, or chalk and slate. Each child is a unique story, and each story is told by an author with particular interests in the goings-on in school, that is, with a particular angle of vision. All the authors, though, take us into a child’s educational circumstance; they give us a sense of the school’s physical site and its official curricular guidelines. Most importantly, they collectively allow us a global view of children as symbol users and social participants in the official and the unofficial worlds of school. No matter where young children go to school, they are expected to learn to “write” (although writing, as the cases illustrate, does not always mean “composing”)...