A Fundação Nacional Cubano-Americana (FNCA) na política externa dos Estados Unidos para Cuba

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

The 1980 Cuban boatlift /

Includes index.

Cuban and Haitian applicants for SSI disability payments.

Written by Margaret G. Merritt.

Cuba : U.S. response to the 1994 Cuban migration crisis : report to Congressional requesters /

"B-265830"--P. 1.

Haitians in Miami: An Assessment of Their Background and Potential (Dialogue #12)

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Our research on Haitians in Miami reveals the common stereotypes to be wrong in virtually every respect. Miami Haitians are not a significant drain on community resources. They did not come to the U.S. anticipating benefits from the welfare system. They are not uneducated nor are they unskilled. To the contrary, Miami Haitians have a tremendous potential for productively contributing to U.S. society. They are well educated by Haitian standards and many come with readily employable skills. Their motivations for leaving Haiti are inseparably both political and economic. They possess a sound work ethic and are striving to improve themselves. Economic problems are severe, yet they confront and surmount them with virtually no help from the state welfare system. They rely largely upon opportunities and resources within Miami's own Haitian community. Yet, they do not isolate themselves from the large community around them. They work with, buy from, and live in the same neighborhoods as Cubans, Anglos, and American Blacks. In spite of the many personal difficulties they have encountered since arriving in the U.S., they maintain a positive view both of themselves and their experiences in U.S. society. If given sufficient opportunities, they are likely to adapt quickly and succeed economically. These findings stem from a recently completed survey of 129 Haitians enrolled in English for Speakers of Other Languages (ESOL) classes in Miami administered by the Haitian Adult Development Education Program (HADEP) of the Phelps Stokes Fund. The U.S. Department of Education funded the project to provide instruction in English communication and literacy skills, acculturation support and vocational training. The classes were free and open without restrictions to all Haitians. The Haitians neither paid nor received money to attend the classes. The classes were offered both during the day and evening and drew from all levels of the Haitian population in Miami. The survey was administered in June and July of this year and consisted of 146 questions in Creole on a broad range of subjects from background and experiences in Haiti to migration and employment history and perceptions of U.S. society.

The Cuban military in Angola: The limits of internationalism

The Cuban military involvement in Angola has often been seen as a response to the wishes of the former Soviet Union. Yet, Castro intervened in Angola following his theory of internationalism. Internationalism, as conceived by Castro, sent Cubans on a voluntary basis to serve abroad, either in the military or in the civilian sector. This thesis will illustrate that from its inception, Castro sent military troops to Angola to divert domestic concerns and to boost Cuba's alliances throughout the world. Angola is different from other internationalist missions, because in Angola--for the first time--regular combat troops were used. Castro intervened in Angola to prevent a collapse of the Moviemento Popular de Libertacao de Angola (MPLA) government, and stayed on to ensure the viability of the MPLA. The primary sources are interviews conducted by the author, of participants in the Angolan civil war. The secondary sources consulted are works on Cuba, Southern Africa, Portuguese colonialism and Angola. ^

The empire beats on: Oyo, Bata drums and hegemony in nineteenth-century Cuba

The Lukumí people of Cuba, currently known as Yoruba, are descendants of one of the mightiest West African kingdoms, the Oyo, Empire. The Oyo-Yoruba were important cultural contributors to certain areas of the New World such as Cuba, Brazil, Trinidad, and to some degree Haiti and the Lesser Antilles. Anthropologist William Bascom has said that “no African group has had greater influence on New World culture than the Yoruba.” ^ After the devastation of the empire around 1825, two new Oyos resuscitated. The first, New Oyo, was established about 80 miles south of the ancient site around 1830. The second Oyo was instituted on the other side of the Atlantic Ocean, in the city of Havana and its surrounding towns. Much of Oyo lie, as ancient Oyo is now called, was transported to the New World, reformed and adapted according to its new surroundings, and, it preserved its reign over its “subjects” through the retention and dissemination of its cultural and religious practices. ^ Using an interdisciplinary approach, this investigation will argue that of all the African groups brought to Cuba, the Oyo-Yoruba were the most influential in shaping Afro-Cuban culture since their introduction in the nineteenth century. The existence of batá drums in Cuba and the cultural components of this musical genre will serve as one of many examples to illustrate the vitality of Oyo cultural hegemony over Afro-Cubans. It is arguable that these drums and the culture that surrounded them were very important instruments used by the Oyo to counter the acculturation of many Africans in Cuba. Likewise, this culture became acculturative in itself by imposing its religious world views on non-Oyo ethnics and their descendants. Oral histories and narratives collected among Lukumí practitioners on the island and abroad have been invaluable archives to supplement and/or complement primary and secondary sources of information. ^

The braids of the virgin: Taino roots of the early cult of La Virgen de la Caridad del Cobre in Cuba

Since her discovery in Cuban waters in 1611, La Virgen de la Caridad del Cobre (The Virgin of Charity) has become the leading transnational religious symbol for Cubans. The oldest stories about the appearance of La Virgen in Cuba suggest the presence of Cuban Taino in the early years of her cult. Yet historians have minimized Taino influence when examining Cuba's sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, pivotal years in the cult's development. This thesis demonstrated the significant role of the Taino in the formation of the early cult of La Virgen de la Caridad del Cobre, by employing revisionist historiography to the years between 1492 and 1687, to better understand the demographics and religious culture of Eastern Cuba, where the cult originated. It also found specific contributions from Taino religious culture in the myths, beliefs, and material culture associated with the early cult of La Virgen. ^

Parental involvement: Its relation to achievement in a multiethnic sample of newly immigrated students

The current study examined how parental involvement is related to the academic adaptation and performance of a multiethnic sample of newly immigrant students from South America and the Caribbean---Argentina, Colombia, Cuba, Haiti, and English-speaking Caribbean countries. Six hundred twenty-two participants attending elementary, middle and high school in Miami-Dade and Broward Counties were interviewed during two consecutive years at their respective schools. Parents completed surveys at home and returned them by mail. ^ Three forms of parent involvement were chosen as predictor variables---(1) parental contact and communication with school, (2) parental monitoring of children's school-related activities at home, and (3) parental expectations regarding children's academic achievement. Academic performance indicators obtained from school records were students' grade point averages for math and reading (GPA), FCAT-SSS (Florida Comprehensive Assessment Test-Sunshine State Standards) scores, and FCAT-NRT (Norm Referenced Test) scores. Hypotheses were (a) that the forms of parent involvement would differ across the different cultural groups and (b) that parent involvement would relate to students' achievement, regardless of the specific form of involvement. ^ Results indicated that Cuban and Colombian parents differed significantly in terms of monitoring school-related activities of their children and had higher expectations for their children than Haitian, West-Indian, or Argentinean parents. Cuban parents were more likely to be actively engaged in communication with their children's schools than parents of the other ethnic groups. Multiple regression analyses indicated that the three forms of parent involvement accounted for a significant proportion of GPA and FCAT-SSS scores, after controlling for the effects of demographic variables---grade level, gender, and ethnicity. Given interactions of the parent involvement variables by country of origin for GPA, separate analyses indicated that parent involvement appeared to be most effective for Cubans and West Indians. Results are discussed in terms of the need for experimental intervention studies to identify causal relationships between parent involvement and academic achievement. ^

Tocqueville in Miami: Political culture and political organizing in Miami's Cuban community

This study examines the effectiveness of civic organizations focusing on leadership and the role of culture in politics. The study is based on a quasi-experimental research design and relies primarily on qualitative data. The study focuses on Miami's Cuban community in order to examine the role of public initiative in grassroots civic and community organizations. ^ The Miami Cuban community is a large, institutionally complex and cohesive ethnic community with dense networks of community organizations. The political and economic success of the community makes it an opportune setting for a study of civic organizing. The sheer number of civic organizations to be found in Miami's Cuban community suggests that the community's civic organizations have something to do with the considerable vibrancy and civic capacity of the community. How have the organizations managed to be so successful over so many years and what can be learned about successful civic organizing from their experience?^ Civic organizations in Miami's Cuban community are overwhelmingly ethnic-based organizations. The organizations recreate collective symbols that come from community members' memories of and attachments to the place of origin they hold dear as ethnic Cubans. They recreate a collective Cuban past that community members remember and that is the very basis of the community to which they belong.^ Cuban Miami's ethnically based civic organizations have generally performed better than the literature on civic organizations says they should. They gained greater access to community ties and social capital, and they exhibited greater organizational longevity. The fit between the political culture of civic organizations and that of the broader political community helps to explain this success. Yet they do not perform in the same way or in support of the same social purposes. Some stress individual agency rather than community agency, and some pursue an externally-oriented social purpose, whereas others focus on building an internal community.^

Inter-subjective and transnational racial effects: The role of the United States in the formation and evolution of the collective perception and racial relations in Cuba, 1898–1902

Since the arrival of the first African slaves to Cuba in 1524, the issue of race has had a long-lived presence in the Cuban national discourse. However, despite Cuba’s colonial history, it has often been maintained by some historians that race relations in Cuba were congenial with racism and racial discrimination never existing as deep or widespread in Cuba as in the United States (Cannon, 1983, p. 113). In fact, it has been argued that institutionalized racism was introduced into Cuban society with the first U.S. occupation, during 1898–1902 (Cannon, 1983, p. 113). This study of Cuba investigates the influence of the United States on the development of race relations and racial perceptions in post-independent Cuba, specifically from 1898-1902. These years comprise the time period immediately following the final fight for Cuban Independence, culminating with the Cuban-Spanish-American War and the first U.S. occupation of Cuba. By this time, the Cuban population comprised Africans as well as descendants of Africans, White Spanish people, indigenous Cubans, and offspring of the intermixing of the groups. This research studies whether the United States’ own race relations and racial perceptions influenced the initial conflicting race relations and racial perceptions in early and post-U.S. occupation Cuba. This study uses a collective interpretative framework that incorporates a national level of analysis with a race relations and racial perceptions focus. This framework reaches beyond the traditionally utilized perspectives when interpreting the impact of the United States during and following its intervention in Cuba. Attention is given to the role of the existing social, political climate within the United States as a driving influence of the United States’ involvement with Cuba. This study reveals that emphasis on the role of the United States as critical to the development of Cuba’s race relations and racial perceptions is credible given the extensive involvement of the U.S. in the building of the early Cuban Republic and U.S. structures serving as models for reconstruction. U.S. government formation in Cuba aligned with a governing system reflecting the existing governing codes of the U.S. during that time period.

Placing immigrant incorporation: Identity, trust, and civic engagement in Little Havana

Immigrant incorporation in the United States has been a topic of concern and debate since the founding of the nation. Scholars have studied many aspects of the phenomenon, including economic, political, social, and spatial. The most influential paradigm of immigrant incorporation in the US has been, and continues to be, assimilation, and the most important place in and scale at which incorporation occurs is the neighborhood. This dissertation captures both of these integral aspects of immigrant incorporation through its consideration of three dimensions of assimilation – identity, trust, and civic engagement – among Latin American immigrants and American-born Latinos in Little Havana, a predominantly immigrant neighborhood in Miami, Florida. Data discussed in the dissertation were gathered through surveys and interviews as part of a National Science Foundation-funded study carried out in 2005-2006. The combination of quantitative and qualitative data allows for a nuanced understanding of how immigrant incorporation is occurring locally during the first decade of the twentieth century. Findings reveal that overall Latin American immigrants and their American-born offspring appear to be becoming American with regard to their ethnic and racial identities quickly, evidenced through the salience and active employment of panethnic labels, while at the same time they are actively reshaping the identificational structure. The Latino population, however, is not monolithic and is cleaved by diversity within the group, including country of origin and socioeconomic status. These same factors impede group cohesion in terms of trust and its correlate, community. Nevertheless, the historically dominant ancestry group in Little Havana – Cubans – has been able to reach notable levels of trust and build and conserve a more solid sense of community than non-Cuban residents. With respect to civic engagement, neighborhood residents generally participate at rates lower than the overall US population and ethnic subpopulations. This is not the case for political engagement, however, where self-reported voting registration and turnout in Little Havana surpasses that of most benchmarked populations. The empirical evidence presented in this dissertation on the case of Latinos in Little Havana challenges the ways that identity, trust, and civic engagement are conceptualized and theorized, especially among immigrants to the US.

Para subsistir dignamente: Alberto Yarini and the search for Cubanidad, 1882-1910

This study looks at the broader transformations in Cuban history through the case study of a single, yet symbolic, man, and proposes a new paradigm for understanding the dynamics of Cuban society and culture. It also examines the implications for Cuba’s aspiring national identity at the turn of the twentieth century, by detailing the interplay between fact and fiction in the story of Alberto Yarini: elite born; well-educated; politically and socially well-connected; powerful; and celebrated Cuban racketeer and chulo (pimp). Yarini was described as vibrant and triumphant at a time when other nation-building forces in Cuba were weak and ambivalent. A century after his dramatic death, Yarini became the quintessential public man in Cuban lore who symbolized a cubanidad (Cuban national identity) not defined in terms of the ideological hegemony of class, race, or gender, and who through his actions dispelled the ambivalence that plagued Cuban nationalism. Using archival documents, contemporary newspaper accounts, court records, memoirs, and published works, this study analyzes the confluence of national events and individual action in the formation of Cuban national identity. It contends that for Cuba, the failure of nation-building experiments resulted in an ambivalent national identity based on failed philosophical and political ideals of equality and prosperity. These ideals played out within the context of the realities of racial discrimination, political dissonance, and class and gender barriers. Instead of a cohesive sense of national character, for Cubans the result was a competing set of identities including a populist version that was defined through identification with antitypes and pseudo-heroes such as Alberto Yarini y Ponce de León (1882-1910), a rising politician and celebrated chulo of the early republic. The telling and retelling of his story has given rise to what has been termed the island nation’s first national myth – one that continues to evolve and grow in the twenty-first century. For many Cubans, the Yarini antitype provided an idealized national identity which in many ways was—and many argue continues to be— the expression of an elusive and ambivalent cubanidad.

Raúl Castro's Government: Recent Economic Reforms and Some Political Considerations.

Four years after calling for structural and conceptual changes, Raúl Castro finally unveiled a roadmap of substantive economic reforms. Over the next 18 months, at least a million workers will be laid off from the bloated state sector. Alternative forms of earning a living – self-employment, cooperatives, leasing of land or physical space, among others – are being authorized as old constraints on these alternatives are rescinded. From the perspective of ordinary Cubans, these reforms – called an actualizaciόn, or an update of the economic model – were long overdue. Yet, in hindsight, the slow-paced process can be explained, not in terms of the need for time to “identify” Cuba’s economic problems which have been known for decades, but by Raúl Castro’s emphasis on la institucionalidad, the need to channel decision making through institutions. His brother left a chaotic state apparatus which first needed mending before an elite consensus on the reform package could be forged. Cuba is entering a situation without precedent: this package is likely to run its own course without the Comandante (Fidel Castro) stopping it. By 2015, Cuban society will probably look different than today, featuring unprecedented inequality and living standards that are on the rise.

Hypertension, poor glycemic control, and microalbuminuria in Cuban Americans with type 2 diabetes

Purpose: To investigate to what degree the presence of hypertension (HTN) and poor glycemic control (GC) influences the likelihood of having microalbuminuria (MAU) among Cuban Americans with type 2 diabetes (T2D).Methods: A cross-sectional study conducted in Cuban Americans (n = 179) with T2D. Participants were recruited from a randomly generated mailing list purchased from KnowledgeBase Marketing, Inc. Blood pressure (BP) was measured twice and averaged using an adult size cuff. Glycosylated hemoglobin (A1c) levels were measured from whole blood samples with the Roche Tina-quant method. First morning urine samples were collected from each participant to determine MAU by a semiquantitative assay (ImmunoDip).Results: MAU was present in 26% of Cuban Americans with T2D. A significantly higher percentage of subjects with MA had HTN (P = 0.038) and elevated A1C (P = 0.002) than those with normoalbuminuria. Logistic regression analysis showed that after controlling for covariates, subjects with poor GC were 6.76 times more likely to have MAU if they had hypertension compared with those without hypertension (P = 0.004; 95% confidence interval [CI]: 1.83, 23.05). Conclusion: The clinical significance of these findings emphasizes the early detection of MAU in this Hispanic subgroup combined with BP and good GC, which are fundamentals in preventing and treating diabetes complications and improving individuals’ renal and cardiovascular outcomes.