887 resultados para Collective discourse
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This study examines the creation of the urban kommuna (commune) and the ideals that stimulated this social phenomenon – the kommuna impulse of the nascent Soviet state. Collective idealism affected Soviet housing, architecture and even urban planning, but little is known of social experiments in commune‐ism. As a result, these collective cells have been dismissed as utopian anomalies or the product of a housing shortage. Here it is argued that these discursive assessments are unsatisfactory and isolated from the historical narrative. While utopian ideals and domestic necessity were central to the formation of collective living, the kommuna was also involved in an active discourse with collectivism and socialist ideology. The kommuna cell was a dynamic entity that required considerable formative planning. The activists who forged these cells – the self‐identified ‘communards’ – turned their everyday domestic life into a socialist battleground, in which they struggled with the key debates of the early Soviet state. This article examines the communard as a social activist in order to better understand this phenomenon. It clarifies the coexistence of ideological and idealist trends among Soviet youth with practical contingencies for socialism. Furthermore, it reveals the process by which the kommuna impulse and these contingencies developed throughout the 1920s and early 1930s.
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The narrative of the United States is of a "nation of immigrants" in which the language shift patterns of earlier ethnolinguistic groups have tended towards linguistic assimilation through English. In recent years, however, changes in the demographic landscape and language maintenance by non-English speaking immigrants, particularly Hispanics, have been perceived as threats and have led to calls for an official English language policy.This thesis aims to contribute to the study of language policy making from a societal security perspective as expressed in attitudes regarding language and identity originating in the daily interaction between language groups. The focus is on the role of language and American identity in relation to immigration. The study takes an interdisciplinary approach combining language policy studies, security theory, and critical discourse analysis. The material consists of articles collected from four newspapers, namely USA Today, The New York Times, Los Angeles Times, and San Francisco Chronicle between April 2006 and December 2007.Two discourse types are evident from the analysis namely Loyalty and Efficiency. The former is mainly marked by concerns of national identity and contains speech acts of security related to language shift, choice and English for unity. Immigrants are represented as dehumanised, and harmful. Immigration is given as sovereignty-related, racial, and as war. The discourse type of Efficiency is mainly instrumental and contains speech acts of security related to cost, provision of services, health and safety, and social mobility. Immigrants are further represented as a labour resource. These discourse types reflect how the construction of the linguistic 'we' is expected to be maintained. Loyalty is triggered by arguments that the collective identity is threatened and is itself used in reproducing the collective 'we' through hegemonic expressions of monolingualism in the public space and semi-public space. The denigration of immigrants is used as a tool for enhancing societal security through solidarity and as a possible justification for the denial of minority rights. Also, although language acquisition patterns still follow the historical trend of language shift, factors indicating cultural separateness such as the appearance of speech communities or the use of minority languages in the public space and semi-public space have led to manifestations of intolerance. Examples of discrimination and prejudice towards minority groups indicate that the perception of worth of a shared language differs from the actual worth of dominant language acquisition for integration purposes. The study further indicates that the efficient working of the free market by using minority languages to sell services or buy labour is perceived as conflicting with nation-building notions since it may create separately functioning sub-communities with a new cultural capital recognised as legitimate competence. The discourse types mainly represent securitising moves constructing existential threats. The perception of threat and ideas of national belonging are primarily based on a zero-sum notion favouring monolingualism. Further, the identity of the immigrant individual is seen as dynamic and adaptable to assimilationist measures whereas the identity of the state and its members are perceived as static. Also, the study shows that debates concerning language status are linked to extra-linguistic matters. To conclude, policy makers in the US need to consider the relationship between four factors, namely societal security based on collective identity, individual/human security, human rights, and a changing linguistic demography, for proposed language intervention measures to be successful.
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This book provides the first comprehensive analysis of metaphors used by Hugo Chávez in his efforts to construct and legitimize his Bolivarian Revolution. It focuses on metaphors drawn from three of his most frequent target domains: the nation, his revolution, and the opposition. The author argues that behind an official discourse of inclusion, Chávez's choice of metaphors contributes to the construction of a polarizing discourse of exclusion in which his political opponents are represented as enemies of the nation. Chávez constructs this polarizing discourse of exclusion by combining metaphors that conceptualize: (a) the nation as a person who has been resurrected by his government, as a person ready to fight for his revolution, or as Chávez himself; (b) the revolution as war; and (c) members of the opposition as war combatants or criminals. At the same time, by making explicit references in his discourse about the revolution as the continuation of Simón Bolívar's wars of independence, Chávez contributes to represent opponents as enemies of the nation, given that in the Venezuelan collective imaginary Bolívar is the symbol of the nation's emancipation.
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Since 1989, Europe's eastern rim has been in constant flux. This collection focuses on how political and economic transformations have triggered redefinitions of cultural identity. Using discursive modes of identity construction (deconstruction, reconstruction, reformulation, and invention) the book focuses on the creation of opposition to old and new outsidersA" and insidersA" in Europe. The linguistic study of discourse elements in connection with an exploration of the significance of metaphors in anchoring individual and collective identity is innovative and allows for a unique analysis of public discourse in Europe.
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This dissertation examines Hugo Chávez's choice of metaphors in his efforts to construct and legitimize his Bolivarian Revolution. It focuses on metaphors drawn from three of the most frequent target domains present in his discourse: the nation, his revolution, and the opposition. The study argues that behind an official discourse of inclusion, Chávez's choice of metaphors contributes to the construction of a polarizing discourse of exclusion in which his political opponents are represented as enemies of the nation.The study shows that Chávez constructs this polarizing discourse of exclusion by combining metaphors that conceptualize: (a) the nation as a person who has been resurrected by his government, as a person ready to fight for his revolution, or as Chávez himself; (b) the revolution as war; and (c) members of the opposition as war combatants or criminals. At the same time, the study shows that by making explicit references in his discourse about the revolution as the continuation of Bolívar's wars of independence, Chávez contributes to represent opponents as enemies of the nation, given that in the Venezuelan collective imaginary Simón Bolívar is the symbol of the nation's emancipation.This research, which covers a period of nine years (from Chávez's first year in office in 1999 through 2007), is part of the discipline of Political Discourse Analysis (PDA). It is anchored both in the theoretical framework provided by the cognitive linguistic metaphor theory developed by George Lakoff and Mark Johnson described in their book Metaphors We Live By, and in Critical Metaphor Analysis (CMA) as defined by Jonathan Charteris-Black in his book Corpus Approaches to Critical Metaphor Analysis.The study provides the first comprehensive analysis of metaphors used by Chávez in his political discourse. It builds upon the findings of previous studies on political discourse analysis in Venezuela by showing that Chávez's discourse not only polarizes the country and represents opponents as detractors of national symbols such as Bolívar or his wars of independence (which have been clearly established in previous studies), but also represents political opponents as enemies of the nation.
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Since the arrival of the first African slaves to Cuba in 1524, the issue of race has had a long-lived presence in the Cuban national discourse. However, despite Cuba’s colonial history, it has often been maintained by some historians that race relations in Cuba were congenial with racism and racial discrimination never existing as deep or widespread in Cuba as in the United States (Cannon, 1983, p. 113). In fact, it has been argued that institutionalized racism was introduced into Cuban society with the first U.S. occupation, during 1898–1902 (Cannon, 1983, p. 113). This study of Cuba investigates the influence of the United States on the development of race relations and racial perceptions in post-independent Cuba, specifically from 1898-1902. These years comprise the time period immediately following the final fight for Cuban Independence, culminating with the Cuban-Spanish-American War and the first U.S. occupation of Cuba. By this time, the Cuban population comprised Africans as well as descendants of Africans, White Spanish people, indigenous Cubans, and offspring of the intermixing of the groups. This research studies whether the United States’ own race relations and racial perceptions influenced the initial conflicting race relations and racial perceptions in early and post-U.S. occupation Cuba. This study uses a collective interpretative framework that incorporates a national level of analysis with a race relations and racial perceptions focus. This framework reaches beyond the traditionally utilized perspectives when interpreting the impact of the United States during and following its intervention in Cuba. Attention is given to the role of the existing social, political climate within the United States as a driving influence of the United States’ involvement with Cuba. This study reveals that emphasis on the role of the United States as critical to the development of Cuba’s race relations and racial perceptions is credible given the extensive involvement of the U.S. in the building of the early Cuban Republic and U.S. structures serving as models for reconstruction. U.S. government formation in Cuba aligned with a governing system reflecting the existing governing codes of the U.S. during that time period.
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The development of Latin American cinema in the 1960s was underwritten by a number of key texts that outlined the aesthetic and political direction of individual filmmakers and collectives (Solanas and Getino, 1969; Rocha, 1965; Espinosa, 1969). Although asserting the specificity of Latin American culture, the theoretical foundations of its New Wave influenced oppositional filmmaking way beyond its own regional boundaries. This chapter looks at how movements in British art cinema, especially the Black Audio Film Collective, were inspired and propelled by the theories behind New Latin American cinema. Facilitated by English translations in journals such as Jump Cut in the early ‘80s, Cuban and Argentine cinematic manifestoes provided a radical alternative to the traditional language of film theory available to filmmakers in Europe and works such as Signs of Empire (1983-4); Handsworth Songs (1986) and Seven Songs for Malcolm X (1993) grew out of this trans-continental exchange. The Black Audio Film Collective represented a merging of politics, popular culture, and art that was, at once, oppositional and melodic. Fusing postcolonial discourse with pop music, the avant-garde and re-imaginings of subalternity, the work of ‘The Collective’ provides us with a useful example of how British art cinema has drawn from theoretical foundations formed outside of Europe and the West. As this chapter will argue however, the Black Audio Film Collective’s work can also be read as a reaction to the specificity of British socio-politics of the ‘80s and ‘90s. Its engagement with the aesthetico-political strategies of Latin American cinema, then, undercut what was a solidly British project, rooted in (post)colonial history and emerging ideas of disaporic identity. If the propulsive thrust of The Black Audio Film Collective’s art was shaped by Third Cinema, its images and concerns were self-consciously British.
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The article discusses the possibility of applying Kuhn's concept of paradigm to collective health. The concept and its use in epidemiology, planning and the social sciences are reviewed briefly. The study stresses the multi-paradigmatic character of collective health, resulting from the convergence of multiple epistemologies and the involvement of diverse fields such as the biological sciences, philosophy, the social sciences and humanities.
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The mechanism underlying castration-induced prostate regression, which is a classical physiological concept translated into the therapeutic treatment of advanced prostate cancer, involves epithelial cell apoptosis. In searching for events and mechanisms contributing to prostate regression in response to androgen modulation, we have frequently observed the collective deletion of epithelial cells. This work was undertaken to characterize this phenomenon hereafter named desquamation and to verify its presence after 17β-estradiol (E2) administration. Electron microscopy revealed that the desquamating cells had preserved cell-cell junctions and collapsed nuclear contents. The TUNEL reaction was negative for these cells, which were also negative for cleaved caspases-8, -9, -3 and nuclear apoptosis-inducing factor. Detailed analyses revealed that the condensed chromatin was first affected detaching from the nuclear lamina, which was observable after lamin A immunohistochemistry, suggesting the lack of lamin A degradation. A search in animals treated with supraphysiological E2 employed as an alternative anti-androgen treatment revealed no desquamation. The combined treatment (Cas + E2 group) caused changes particular to each treatment, including desquamation. In conclusion, desquamation appeared as a novel phenomenon contributing to collective prostate epithelial cell deletion, distinct from the classical castration-induced apoptosis and particular to the androgen deprivation resulting from surgical castration, and should be considered as part of the mechanisms promoting organ regression.
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Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física
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Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física
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Universidade Estadual de Campinas. Faculdade de Educação Física
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Este estudo tem como objetivo conhecer as representações sociais dos profissionais de saúde sobre o trabalho multiprofissional no Serviço Público de Saúde no município de Bandeirantes, Paraná. Foram entrevistados 44 profissionais de saúde de nível superior, com quatro questões abertas que abordaram aspectos de interesse para o tema. Para a análise dos dados, tomou-se como base o referencial da Teoria da Representação Social. Para o processamento dos dados, utilizou-se a técnica do Discurso do Sujeito Coletivo, por meio da qual se construíram os discursos-sínteses com auxílio do programa Qualiquantisoft. Nos discursos obtidos, os profissionais de saúde entrevistados consideraram seu trabalho uma rotina de atendimento programado, determinado pela demanda, desgastante, porém vocacionado. Destacaram que o trabalho multiprofissional é a integração de vários campos da área da saúde, entre profissionais de outras áreas e de outras especialidades para ter uma equipe formada para solucionar os problemas. Relataram que, para o desenvolvimento do trabalho multiprofissional, seria necessária maior interação entre os gestores e os profissionais; recursos materiais e físicos para a melhoria do atendimento; capacitação, conscientização, contratação de profissionais para o serviço; remuneração salarial e organização do serviço de saúde. Os conteúdos revelaram barreiras para o desenvolvimento do trabalho multiprofissional, como ausência de novas formas de gestão, flexibilização das relações de trabalho e necessidade de resolução de questões antigas, como remuneração salarial, planos de cargos e carreiras, e organização do serviço, com instalação de mecanismos que possam evitar a intensa rotatividade de profissionais.
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OBJETIVO: Analisar as dificuldades de acessibilidade aos serviços de saúde vividas por pessoas com deficiência. PROCEDIMENTOS METODOLÓGICOS: Estudo qualitativo realizado com pessoas que relataram ter algum tipo de deficiência (paralisia ou amputação de membros; baixa visão, cegueira unilateral ou total; baixa audição, surdez unilateral ou total). Foram entrevistados 25 indivíduos (14 mulheres) na cidade de São Paulo, SP, de junho a agosto de 2007, que responderam perguntas referentes a deslocamento e acessibilidade aos serviços de saúde. A metodologia utilizada para análise foi o discurso do sujeito coletivo e as análises foram conduzidas com recurso do programa Qualiquantisoft. ANÁLISE DOS RESULTADOS: A análise dos discursos sobre o deslocamento ao serviço de saúde mostrou diversidade quanto ao usuário ir ao serviço sozinho ou acompanhado, utilizar carro particular, transporte coletivo, ir a pé ou de ambulância e demandar tempo variado para chegar ao serviço. Com relação às dificuldades oferecidas de acessibilidade pelos serviços de saúde, houve relatos de demora no atendimento, problemas com estacionamento, falta de rampas, elevadores, cadeiras de rodas, sanitários adaptados e de médicos. CONCLUSÕES: As pessoas com algum tipo de deficiência fizeram uso de meios de transporte diversificados, necessitando de companhia em alguns casos. Problemas na acessibilidade dos serviços de saúde foram relatados pelos sujeitos com deficiências, contrariando o princípio da eqüidade, preceito do Sistema Único de Saúde.