Towards Multiculturalism in Turkish Public Service Broadcasting

The announcement of Turkey as a European Union (EU) candidate country in the Helsinki Summit (10, 11 December 1999) marked a distinct change of identity policy and attitudes towards its citizens. A result in the shift of mindset has been the launch of the first public service broadcasting TV channel for Kurdish people on the 1st of January 2009. TRT 6 (Şeş) broadcasting in unofficial Kurdish language is run by Turkish Radio and Television Corporation (TRT). The thesis attempts to elaborate on the discussions surrounding the launch of TRT 6, Turkey’s first public service broadcasting TV channel for its Kurdish citizens. The research aims at finding the discourses of multiculturalism and public service broadcasting through the mainstream Turkish newspapers, Cumhuriyet, Hurriyet, Sabah, Taraf and Zaman. The method used for the research is Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and the representative newspapers of the Turkish print media are under the question: How has the launch of TRT 6, as the first public service broadcasting channel of Turkey in Kurdish language, been discussed by Turkish daily newspapers in terms of multiculturalism and minority media? The most significant results of the research is that the concerning newspapers have mostly discussed the launch of TRT 6 in the same line with their political affiliation. Thus it is comprehensively concluded that the selected newspapers proved holding a high level of political parallelism, and low professionalism. However, it should be noted that Taraf differs itself from others while challenging the hegemonic discourses embedded in the articles of the other newspapers. Moreover, the study detected three types of discourses: Pro-multiculturalism discourse, Unification discourse, and Assimilation discourse. It can be concluded that in Turkey, media owners and even individual journalists have incentives to form ideological alliances with political parties, and media appears to be an instrument of power struggle. Today, Turkey seems to restore Kurdish identity in its identity policy and aims to proceed with the negotiation for membership of the European Union (EU). The country still strives to transform from the traditional nation-state to a multiethnic democratic state, with multiculturalism as a policy discussed throughout the two terms that the AKP government has been in power. However, this transformation is not an easy process because of the deep-rooted traditions of the nation-state structure that has also polarized the Turkish press.

大车前（Plantago major L. "Giant Turkish."）体外优化再生体系的建立及Na+/H+逆向转运蛋白基因SeNHX1 和TtNHX1 的功能鉴定

大车前（Plantago major L. "Giant Turkish."）不仅有很高的药用价值，在生态学研究方面也是重要模式植物。大车前的组织培养工作，目前报道很少。对其组织培养体系的建立，为筛选大车前耐盐突变体和基因转化建立高效的体外再生系统和实验平台体系。通过愈伤组织诱导和直接不定芽再生途径， 建立了大车前（Plantago major L. "Giant Turkish."）的快速高效再生系统。叶片外植体在含有1.0 mg/L NAA的MS培养基中培养3周后，形成愈伤组织，愈伤组织在含4.0 mg/L 6-BA的MS培养基中成功再生，得到完整植株。种子外植体在含0.2 mg/L IAA和1.0 mg/L TDZ的MS培养基中培养4周后产生大量的丛生芽，对9株再生植株进行RAPD检测表明，部分植株在DNA水平上发生了变异。 植物抵御盐胁迫的一个重要机制是在液泡中积累Na+，从而使细胞质内Na+保持在较低水平，并且降低细胞渗透势。Na+运输到液泡是由液泡Na+/H+逆向转运蛋白完成的。本实验室已从盐生植物盐角草（Salicornia europaea）和番杏（Tetragonia tetragonioides）中分别克隆得到SeNHX1和TtNHX1基因。本文研究了SeNHX1和TtNHX1基因在酵母突变体里的作用。TtNHX1和SeNHX1蛋白在缺陷型酵母菌株里的表达能够提高这些菌株对NaCl、LiCl和潮霉素的抗性，提高到与野生型相当的抗性水平。说明TtNHX1和SeNHX1有着与酵母ScNHX1相似的细胞定位和作用机制，是ScNHX1的功能类似蛋白。

Iraq and world order: a Turkish perspective

G?l, Ayla. 'Iraq and world order: a Turkish perspective', in: 'The Iraq Crisis and World Order: Structural, Institutional and Normative Challenges', (Eds) Thakur, R., Sidhu, W. P. S., United Nations University Press, Hong Kong , pp.114-133, 2006 RAE2008

Imagining the Turkish nation through 'othering' Armenians

G?l, A. (2005). Imagining the Turkish nation through 'othering' Armenians. Nations and Nationalism. 11(1), 121-139 RAE2008

Greek-Turkish Dilemmas and the Cyprus-EU Accession Process

This article compares the processes of foreign policymaking in Greece and Turkey in order to examine why the incentives and pressures of the enlargement process have failed until now to initiate a settlement in the Cyprus bicommunal negotiations. While most studies on the Cyprus problem have focused on the two communities of the island, little at-tention has been paid to the policies of the two â??motherlandsâ??, namely Greece and Turkey. Yet their leverage on the two Cypriot communities and their conflicting expectations with regard to an enlarged Europe in the Eastern Mediterranean constitute a complex security puzzle. The Republic of Cyprus stands as a champion candidate member for the next enlargement, amid fears of Turkish reprisals and hopes for a po-litical settlement on the island. With the benefits of settlement overwhelming the benefits of any other alternative, it is paradoxical that the parties seem to be about to fail to reach a last-minute, mutually beneficial compromise. I try to resolve this paradox by supplementing rational choice theory with cognitivist theories of international relations. While rational choice predicts a direct relationship between external environment and foreign policy shifts, the case of Cyprus suggests that this relationship is actually indirect. Without understanding how the external environment is framed in the domestic political discourse of Greece and Turkey, it is impossible to demonstrate how outside pressure and incentives affect foreign policy shifts.

Ownership Patterns and Control in Turkish Listed Companies

The purpose of this paper is to document the prevalent ownership concentration, structure and control in the top 100 companies listed on the Istanbul Stock Exchange. The results are discussed in the context of emerging corporate governance trends in Turkey. Where appropriate, comparisons with other countries are provided. The results of the study indicate that ownership of Turkish companies is highly concentrated, families being the dominant shareholders. The separation of ownership and control among Turkish companies is mainly achieved through pyramidal ownership structures and the presence of big business groups. However, the cash flow and voting rights in Turkish companies are relatively more aligned compared to other family–ownership–dominated insider–system countries.