980 resultados para Coins, Near Eastern.


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The research is related to the Finnish Jabal Harun Project (FJHP), which is part of the research unit directed by Professor Jaakko Frösén. The project consists of two interrelated parts: the excavation of a Byzantine monastery/pilgrimage centre on Jabal Harun, and a multiperiod archaeological survey of the surrounding landscape. It is generally held that the Near Eastern landscape has been modified by millennia of human habitation and activity. Past climatic changes and human activities could be expected to have significantly changed also the landscape of the Jabal Harun area. Therefore it was considered that a study of erosion in the Jabal Harun area could shed light on the environmental and human history of the area. It was hoped that it would be possible to connect the results of the sedimentological studies either to wider climatic changes in the Near East, or to archaeologically observable periods of human activity and land use. As evidence of some archaeological periods is completely missing from the Jabal Harun area, it was also of interest whether catastrophic erosion or unfavourable environmental change, caused either by natural forces or by human agency, could explain the gaps in the archaeological record. Changes in climate and/or land-use were expected to be reflected in the sedimentary record. The field research, carried out as part of the FJHP survey fieldwork, included the mapping of wadi terraces and cleaning of sediment profiles which were recorded and sampled for laboratory analyses of facies and lithology. To obtain a chronology for the sedimentation and erosion phases also OSL (optically stimulated luminescence) dating samples were collected. The results were compared to the record of the Near Eastern palaeoclimate, and to data from geoarchaeological studies in central and southern Jordan. The picture of the environmental development was then compared to the human history in the area, based on archaeological evidence from the FJHP survey and the published archaeological research in the Petra region, and the question of the relationship between human activity and environmental change was critically discussed. Using the palaeoclimatic data and the results from geoarchaeological studies it was possible to outline the environmental development in the Jabal Harun area from the Pleistocene to the present.It is appears that there was a phase of accumulation of sediment before the Middle Palaeolithic period, possibly related to tectonic movement. This phase was later followed by erosion, tentatively suggested to have taken place during the Upper Palaeolithic. A period of wadi aggradation probably occurred during the Late Glacial and continued until the end of the Pleistocene, followed by significant channel degradation, attributed to increased rainfall during the Early Holocene. It seems that during the later Holocene channel incision has been dominant in the Jabal Harûn area although there have been also small-scale channel aggradation phases, two of which were OSL-dated to around 4000-3000 BP and 2400-2000 BP. As there is no evidence of tectonic movements in the Jabal Harun area after the early Pleistocene, it is suggested that climate change and human activity have been the major causes of environmental change in the area. At a brief glance it seems that many of the changes in the settlement and land use in the Jabal Harun area can be explained by climatic and environmental conditions. However, the responses of human societies to environmental change are dependent on many factors. Therefore an evaluation of the significance of environmental, cultural, socio-economic and political factors is needed to decide whether certain phenomena are environmentally induced. Comparison with the wider Petra region is also needed to judge whether the phenomena are characteristic of the Jabal Harun area only, or can they be connected to social, political and economic development over a wider area.

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Background: In the present study we have assessed whether the Carpathian Mountains represent a genetic barrier in East Europe. Therefore, we have analyzed the mtDNA of 128 native individuals of Romania: 62 of them from the North of Romania, and 66 from South Romania. Results: We have analyzed their mtDNA variability in the context of other European and Near Eastern populations through multivariate analyses. The results show that regarding the mtDNA haplogroup and haplotype distributions the Romanian groups living outside the Carpathian range (South Romania) displayed some degree of genetic differentiation compared to those living within the Carpahian range (North Romania). Conclusion: The main differentiation between the mtDNA variability of the groups from North and South Romania can be attributed to the demographic movements from East to West (prehistoric or historic) that differently affected in these regions, suggesting that the Carpathian mountain range represents a weak genetic barrier in South-East Europe.

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Chapters 3 and 15 of Joyce's Ulysses exhibit glimpses of three dreams, fantasies and eventual nightmares linked to the figure of 'Haroun al Raschid.' Historically speaking, the latter was a powerful Caliph of Baghdad, a medieval potentate about whom many of the most memorable of The Thousand and One Nights or The Arabian Nights' Entertainments were once and then again spun as tales of pleasure. Joyce seizes upon the figure of 'Haroun al Raschid' as a fictive measure to articulate the 'orientalist' fantasies of Stephen Dedalus and Leopold Bloom. However, this evocative figure of Near Eastern history, of fabulous narrative and the progressively converging fantasies of two modern European literary characters is riddled with paradox. Such material provides Joyce a perceptive and proleptic sense of the paradoxes and brutal historical contradictions through which Western and Eastern dreams of theocratic nationalism, ethnic zealotry, colonial rebellion and Zionism are to be played out. W. B. Yeats' poem 'The Gift of Harun al-Raschid', written in 1923, the year after the book publication of Ulysses, provides both a fitting foil and a significant socio-historical point of reference for Joyce's own figurative use of the Caliph of Baghdad.

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The Neolithic and Bronze Age transitions were profound cultural shifts catalyzed in parts of Europe by migrations, first of early farmers from the Near East and then Bronze Age herders from the Pontic Steppe. However, a decades-long, unresolved controversy is whether population change or cultural adoption occurred at the Atlantic edge, within the British Isles. We address this issue by using the first whole genome data from prehistoric Irish individuals. A Neolithic woman (3343–3020 cal BC) from a megalithic burial (10.3× coverage) possessed a genome of predominantly Near Eastern origin. She had some hunter–gatherer ancestry but belonged to a population of large effective size, suggesting a substantial influx of early farmers to the island. Three Bronze Age individuals from Rathlin Island (2026–1534 cal BC), including one high coverage (10.5×) genome, showed substantial Steppe genetic heritage indicating that the European population upheavals of the third millennium manifested all of the way from southern Siberia to the western ocean. This turnover invites the possibility of accompanying introduction of Indo-European, perhaps early Celtic, language. Irish Bronze Age haplotypic similarity is strongest within modern Irish, Scottish, and Welsh populations, and several important genetic variants that today show maximal or very high frequencies in Ireland appear at this horizon. These include those coding for lactase persistence, blue eye color, Y chromosome R1b haplotypes, and the hemochromatosis C282Y allele; to our knowledge, the first detection of a known Mendelian disease variant in prehistory. These findings together suggest the establishment of central attributes of the Irish genome 4,000 y ago.

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Tese de doutoramento, História (Arqueologia), Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Letras, 2014

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La question de recherche à la base de cette étude soulève le point de la nature paradoxale du canon de représentation égyptien qui démontre, simultanément, une certaine rigidité dans l’application de règles stylistiques et iconographiques établies, particulièrement dans l’art non commandité par l’État, et des preuves de transformation et d’intégration de motifs nouveaux. Partant de cette problématique, l’étude vise à identifier les mécanismes par lesquels ce canon permet, à la fois, l’innovation et le maintien d’une certaine tradition. L’approche est de nature double et consiste tout d’abord à identifier de grandes tendances et discontinuités stylistiques et iconographiques sur les bols de faïence du Moyen au Nouvel Empire. De plus, elle tente de déterminer si les transformations d’ordre sociopolitique et idéologique, survenant à ces périodes, peuvent être lues dans les variations stylistiques et iconographiques trouvées sur les bols de faïence. Après une description du champ conceptuel de la « représentation » en contexte égyptien, l’auteur effectue l’analyse iconographique exhaustive de ce qui constitue l’apport majeur de son étude, un corpus de 500 bols et fragments de faïence provenant de divers sites égyptiens du Moyen au Nouvel Empire. Les données ont été traitées par le biais de la méthode d’analyse iconologique proposée par Panofsky, qui lui permet de dévoiler un grand nombre de continuités et de transformations d’ordre stylistique et iconographique pour les différentes périodes. Plusieurs facteurs semblent avoir été à l’origine de ces transformations, dont la fluctuation entre un contexte de centralisation et de décentralisation politique de l’État, ainsi que l’intégration de motifs étrangers (proche-orientaux et égéens) résultant d’un contact accru entre l’Égypte et les régions voisines. De plus, les transformations idéologiques apportées par le règne d’Akhénaton et par la « contre-réforme » idéologique à la période ramesside, semblent avoir également contribué à des innovations au sein du canon, même si ce dernier maintient une certaine continuité légitimée par le pouvoir étatique. Le canon de représentation, devient ainsi une forme de langage dont l’État se sert et qui, parfois malgré lui, se transforme et fluctue selon les réalités des différentes périodes.

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L’objet de la présente étude est le développement, l’application et la diffusion de la technologie associée à divers types d’alliages de cuivre, en particulier l’alliage du plomb-bronze, en Grèce ancienne, dans ses colonies, ainsi qu’en Étrurie. Le plomb-bronze est un mélange de diverses proportions d’étain, de cuivre et de plomb. Le consensus général chez les archéométallurgistes est que le plomb-bronze n’était pas communément utilisé en Grèce avant la période hellénistique; par conséquent, cet alliage a reçu très peu d’attention dans les documents d’archéologie. Cependant, les analyses métallographiques ont prouvé que les objets composés de plomb ajouté au bronze ont connu une distribution étendue. Ces analyses ont aussi permis de différencier la composition des alliages utilisés dans la fabrication de divers types de bronzes, une preuve tangible que les métallurgistes faisaient la distinction entre les propriétés du bronze d’étain et celles du plomb-bronze. La connaissance de leurs différentes caractéristiques de travail permettait aux travailleurs du bronze de choisir, dans bien des cas, l’alliage approprié pour une utilisation particulière. L’influence des pratiques métallurgiques du Proche-Orient a produit des variations tant dans les formes artistiques que dans les compositions des alliages de bronze grecs durant les périodes géométrique tardive et orientalisante. L’utilisation du plomb-bronze dans des types particuliers d’objets coulés montre une tendance à la hausse à partir de la période orientalisante, culminant dans la période hellénistique tardive, lorsque le bronze à teneur élevée en plomb est devenu un alliage commun. La présente étude analyse les données métallographiques de la catégorie des objets coulés en bronze et en plomb-bronze. Elle démontre que, bien que l’utilisation du plomb-bronze n’était pas aussi commune que celle du bronze d’étain, il s’agissait néanmoins d’un mélange important d’anciennes pratiques métallurgiques. Les ères couvertes sont comprises entre les périodes géométrique et hellénistique.

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Non-governmental Organisations (NGOs) have not only gained more and more relevance in the development process of Near Eastern developing societies, but they have also raised an increasing scholarly interest. The traditional civil society in the Middle East, which used to be in charge of the tribe or large families, has been altered by new groups, which are organized around new social structures, interests and goals. The number of NGOs has experienced a swift increase in number and size, and the extent of some renders them important players in the social welfare sector, both at the national and global levels. The expansion and the increasing role of NGOs worldwide since the end of the 1970s as actors in socio-economic development and in the formulation of public policies has had great influence around the globe. However, this new function is not automatically the outcome of independent activity; but rather the result of ramified relationships between the national and international environment.

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El propósito de esta investigación es analizar los cambios que trajo consigo la llegada del Partido de la Justicia y Desarrollo al poder (AKP), en Turquía. Este partido se presentó como conservador moderado y democrático y esto le permitió llegar al poder y mantenerlo desde 2001 hasta la actualidad, pues recibió el apoyo de diversos grupos políticos. La noción general que dio el AKP a la opinión pública era que un partido conservador estaba iniciando un proceso democrático real en Turquía. Sin embargo, el líder del AKP y sus seguidores viraron, desde el 2007, hacia el islamismo. Usando la teoría del clivaje social, propuesta Stein Rokkan y Seymour Lipset, se intenta demostrar que los cambios realizados por el AKP fueron una estrategia para blindarse en el poder, pero el sistema de partidos mantuvo la lógica de los clivajes tradicionales y el clivaje islamismo-kemalismo se consolidó como el principal.

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Radiocarbon (carbon-14) data from the Aegean Bronze Age 1700-1400 B.C. show that the Santorini (Thera) eruption must have occurred in the late 17th century B.C. By using carbon-14 dates from the surrounding region, cultural phases, and Bayesian statistical analysis, we established a chronology for the initial Aegean Late Bronze Age cultural phases (Late Minoan IA, IB, and II). This chronology contrasts with conventional archaeological dates and cultural synthesis: stretching out the Late Minoan IA, IB, and II phases by similar to 100 years and requiring reassessment of standard interpretations of associations between the Egyptian and Near Eastern historical dates and phases and those in the Aegean and Cyprus in the mid-second millennium B.C.

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La presente ricerca prende in esame le dinamiche archeologiche e storiche della regione egiziana del Fayyum durante il Nuovo Regno (1552 – 1069 a.C.). L’elaborato è suddiviso in quattro parti: la prima analizza tutti i contesti archeologici che hanno restituito materiale databile al Bronzo Tardo, la seconda riguarda, invece, la catalogazione di tutti i documenti iscritti provenienti dalla regione e databili al medesimo periodo. La terza parte rappresenta la sintesi dei dati acquisiti nelle due precedenti sezioni e descrive il divenire storico regionale tra XVIII, XIX e XX dinastia, mentre la quarta parte, un’appendice prosopografica, chiude l’intero studio. I contesti archeologici fayyumici che hanno restituito materiale databile al Bronzo Tardo sono solamente sette: Gurob, el-Lahun, Haraga, Hawara, Medinet Madi, Shedet e Tebtynis. La distribuzione della documentazione tende a concentrarsi, dal punto di vista territoriale nell’area d’ingresso della regione, mentre dal punto di vista cronologico sono molto ben attestate la seconda metà dell’epoca thutmoside, l’età amarniana e la prima parte dell’epoca ramesside. Per quanto la documentazione regionale pertinente al Nuovo Regno sia estremamente rarefatta, soprattutto se paragonata a quella contestualizzabile cronologicamente ad altri periodi storici, un’attenta analisi delle testimonianze porta a collocare il Fayyum in una fitta trama di rapporti politici, economici e militari non solo con il resto del Paese ma anche con altre aree geografiche, esterne all’Egitto.