Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bombay.

Vol.7 include the society's Proceedings for 1841-1929.

The way of initiation; or, How to attain knowledge of the higher worlds,

Mode of access: Internet.

Journal.

Vol. 1-new ser., v. 7, include the Society's proceedings for 1841-1929 (title varies).

La série Aux Abattoirs de la Villette (1929) : le point de vue du photographe Eli Lotar par-delà la revue Documents et la philosophie de Georges Bataille

Ce mémoire étudie la série Aux Abattoirs de la Villette photographiée par Eli Lotar en 1929. Il montre comment elle a été assimilée par l’histoire de l’art au texte « Abattoir » de Georges Bataille, aux côtés duquel ont été reproduites trois photos du corpus sous la rubrique Dictionnaire critique de la revue Documents. Cette emprise théorique sur la série est mise en perspective au regard de la démarche artistique d’Eli Lotar et des autres photomontages dont elle a fait l’objet ensuite. Le premier chapitre insiste sur la formation d’Eli Lotar et introduit son séjour à La Villette en lien avec la thématique de l’abattoir dans l’entre-deux-guerres. Il analyse ensuite la fortune critique d’Aux Abattoirs de la Villette qui s’appuie sur la philosophie de l’informe chez Georges Bataille. Le deuxième chapitre analyse le photomontage de la série fait par E.L.T. Mesens dans Variétés (1930) et le photoreportage reconstitué par Carlo Rim dans Vu (1931). Selon des points de vue et un travail formel différents, tous deux accentuent la dimension humaine de l’industrie d’abattage animal. Le troisième chapitre fait apparaître le regard posé par Eli Lotar sur le site de La Villette en tenant compte de ses préoccupations socio-artistiques à travers ses collaborations auprès de Germaine Krull et Joris Ivens. Finalement, il dresse une analyse comparative de la série avec la toile Abattoir d’André Masson, le poème Porte Brancion de Raymond Queneau et le film Le sang des bêtes de Georges Franju pour renforcer les spécificités du médium photographique.

Neve Schalom eens en Thans 5601- 1841 - 5690- 1929

I.Maarsen

Manuel Mujica Láinez, Lucio V. López, Horacio Quiroga, Georges Clemenceau, Carlos Martínez Moreno, Roberto Arlt, Enrique González Tuñón, César Fernández Moreno, Juan José Sebreli, Bernardo Kordon, Miguel Brascó, José María Salaverría: Crónicas de Buenos Aires. Edic. Jorge Álvarez, 1965, 154 páginas.

Fil: Polimeni, Dante Osvaldo.

Opportunistic feeding of longhorn sculpin (Myoxocephalus octodecemspinosus): Are scallop fishery discards an important food subsidy for scavengers on Georges Bank?

There has been much recent interest in the effects of fishing on habitat and non-target species, as well as in protecting certain areas of the seabed from these effects (e.g. Jennings and Kaiser, 1998; Benaka, 1999; Langton and Auster, 1999; Kaiser and de Groot, 2000). As part of an effort to determine the effectiveness of marine closed areas in promoting recovery of commercial species (e.g. haddock, Melanogrammus aegelfinus; sea scallops, Placopecten magellanicus; yellowtail flounder, Limanda ferruginea; cod, Gadus morhua), nontarget species, and habitat, a multidisciplinary research cruise was conducted by the Northeast Fisheries Science Center (NEFSC), National Marine Fisheries Service. The cruise was conducted in closed area II (CA-II) of the eastern portion of Georges Bank during 19–29 June 2000 (Fig. 1). The area has historically produced high landings of scallops but was closed in 1994 principally for groundfish recovery (Fogarty and Murawski, 1998). The southern portion of the area was reopened to scallop fishing from 15 June to 12 November 1999, and again from 15 June to 15 August 2000. While conducting our planned sampling, we observed scallop viscera (the noncalcareous remains from scallops that have been shucked by commercial fishermen at sea) in the stomachs of several fish species at some of these locations, namely little skate (Raja erinacea), winter skate (R. ocellata), red hake (Urophycis chuss), and longhorn sculpin (Myoxocephalus octodecemspinosus). We examined the stomach contents of a known scavenger, the longhorn sculpin, to evaluate and document the extent of this phenomenon.

Documents (Paris. 1929)

Etat de collection : 1929 (vol. 1, n °1)-1930 (vol. 2, n °8)

Documents : doctrines, archéologie, beaux-arts, ethnographie : magazine illustré paraissant dix fois par an / secrétaire général Georges Bataille

1929 (VOL1).

Scorpiodinipora costulata (Canu & Bassler, 1929) (Bryozoa, Cheilostomata), a taxonomic and biogeographic dilemma: complex of cryptic species or human-mediated cosmopolitan colonizer?

Despite implausible cosmopolitanism, the species Scorpiodinipora costulata (Canu & Bassler, 1929) has been attributed with reservations to small encrusting colonies with similar morphological features whose known distribution is scattered in tropical and subtropical seas: Pacific Ocean (Philippines), Indian Ocean (Oman), Red Sea, SE Mediterranean, SE Atlantic (Ghana) and SW Atlantic (Brazil). This material raised questions about its generic assignment. The genus Scorpiodinipora Balavoine, 1959 is redescribed with Schizoporella costulata Canu & Bassler, 1929, from the Philippines as the type species, as Balavoine misidentified the specimens to define the genus as Cellepora bernardii Audouin, 1826. Moreover, SEM examination of the cotypes of S. costulata showed that Canu & Bassler confused two genera among them. A lectotype and paralectorype were thus chosen from Canu & Bassler's syntypes corresponding with the present morphotype. Hippodiplosia ottomuelleriana var. parva Marcus, 1938, from Brazil, which presents the same morphotype, is provisionally considered as the junior synonym of S. costulata. Considering the broad allopatric distribution of this morphotype across the oceans and the low capacity of dispersal of species with short-lived larvae, it is likely that this material includes several sibling species. However, the role of man-mediated dispersal is not excluded, at least in regions with high shipping activity, such as that comprising the Suez Canal.

Nouveau dictionnaire latin-fran̨cais rédigé d'aprés les meilleurs travaux de lexicographie latine parus en France et à l'etranger et particulièrement d'aprés les grands dictionnaires de Forcellini, de Georges, de Freund et de Klotz

Mode of access: Internet.

In the shadow of the enlightenment : Le Corbusier, Le Faisceau and Georges Valois

On 9 January 1927 Le Corbusier materialised on the front cover of the Faisceau journal edited by Georges Valois Le Nouveau Siècle which printed the single-point perspective of Le Corbusier’s Plan Voisin and an extract from the architect’s discourse in Urbanisme. In May Le Corbusier presented slides of his urban designs at a fascist rally. These facts have been known ever since the late 1980s when studies emerged in art history that situated Le Corbusier’s philosophy in relation to the birth of twentieth-century fascism in France—an elision in the dominant reading of Le Corbusier’s philosophy, as a project of social utopianism, whose received genealogy is Saint-Simon and Charles Fourier. Le Corbusier participated with the first group in France to call itself fascist, Valois’s militant Faisceau des Combattants et Producteurs, the “Blue Shirts,” inspired by the Italian “Fasci” of Mussolini. Thanks to Mark Antliff, we know the Faisceau did not misappropriate Le Corbusier’s plans, in some remote quasi-symbolic sense, rather Valois’s organisation was premised on the redesign of Paris based on Le Corbusier’s schematic designs. Le Corbusier’s Urbanisme was considered the “prodigious” model for the fascist state Valois called La Cité Française – after his mentor the anarcho-syndicalist Georges Sorel. Valois stated that Le Corbusier’s architectural concepts were “an expression of our profoundest thoughts,” the Faisceau, who “saw their own thought materialized” on the pages of Le Corbusier’s plans. The question I pose is, In what sense is Le Corbusier’s plan a complete representation of La Cité? For Valois, the fascist city “represents the collective will of La Cité” invoking Enlightenment philosophy, operative in Sorel, namely Rousseau, for whom the notion of “collective will” is linked to the idea of political representation: to ‘stand in’ for someone or a group of subjects i.e. the majority vote. The figures in Voisin are not empty abstractions but the result of “the will” of the “combatant-producers” who build the town. Yet, the paradox in anarcho-syndicalist anti-enlightenment thought – and one that became a problem for Le Corbusier – is precisely that of authority and representation. In Le Corbusier’s plan, the “morality of the producers” and “the master” (the transcendent authority that hovers above La Cité) is lattened into a single picture plane, thereby abolishing representation. I argue that La Cité pushed to the limits of formal abstraction by Le Corbusier thereby reverts to the Enlightenment myth it first opposed, what Theodor Adorno would call the dialectic of enlightenment.