Scenes & characters of the Middle Ages /

Includes bibliographical references and index.

Der Civilprozess des gemeinen Rechts in geschichtlicher Entwicklung.

No more published.

Le Moyen âge.

Editors: Jan. 1888-Dec. 1889, A. Marignan, G. Platon, M. Wilmotte; Mar. 1889-Dec. 1892, A. Marignan, M. Wilmotte; Jan. 1893- A. Marignan, M. Prou, M. Wilmotte.

Dictionnaires et répertoires au moyen age : une étude du vocabulaire /

At head of title : CIVICIMA.

Vocabulaire des écoles et des méthodes d'enseignement au moyen âge : actes du colloque, Rome 21-22 octobre 1989 /

French, Italian, English, or Spanish.

Histoire littéraire de la France au quatorzième siècle. Discours sur l'état des lettres, Discours sur l'état des beaux-arts,

"Ouvrages cité dans les deux discours sur l'Histoire littéraire de la France au XIVe siècle": t.2, p. [299]-369.

La maurofilia en la poesía épica medieval

Resumen: El hispanista francés Georges Cirot fue el primero en emplear el término “maurofilia literaria” (maurophilie littéraire) en 1938 para referirse a la representación del valor y la nobleza de los moros en la literatura española del siglo XVI. Pero como señaló Ramón Menéndez Pidal (1957, 202), ya en los siglos XIV y XV los castellanos se habían sentido atraídos por los musulmanes de Granada, por su exótica civilización, su lujo en el vestir, la espléndida ornamentación de sus edificios y su modo de cabalgar, armarse y combatir. Francisco Márquez Villanueva (1984, 117-118) indicó que aunque la literatura maurófila del siglo XVI fue elaborada bajo el signo avanzado del humanismo cristiano, cuyas características fueron “el inconformismo y la sensibilidad para toda suerte de realidades en divergencia del mundo oficial”, las raíces de la maurofilia literaria se encuentran en el viejo romancero fronterizo y morisco elaborado en el siglo XV. En su opinión, el Romancero fue la patria de la “maurofilia pura” y es donde encontramos un cuadro de referencias temáticas “hecho de toponimia y onomástica, armas, indumentaria, policromía y cabalgadas” tendiente a caracterizar al moro como un ser refinado y superior. Para María Rosa Lida (1960, 355), en cambio, la imagen caballeresca del moro se remonta a don Juan Manuel, pues en sus obras aparecen las cortes musulmanas como “centros de molicie refinada y suntuosa”. En efecto, en el Libro de los estados se afirma el valor del moro como guerrero y en el Conde Lucanor aparecen una serie de reyes moros magnánimos y discretos. Sin embargo, el árabe como personaje sabio o “ejemplar” figura ya en una de las fuentes del Conde Lucanor, la Disciplina clericalis, obra compuesta a principios del siglo XII por el judío converso Pedro Alfonso. Por otra parte, el análisis de la representación de los moros en textos épicos, Avengalvón en el Poema de mio Cid y Almanzor en la Los siete infantes de Lara, nos permite descubrir un importante e insoslayable antecedente de la maurofilia de los últimos siglos de la Edad Media

¿Fue la crisis política del Occidente musulmán del siglo XIII debida a un cambio climático? Una aproximación histórica al fin del Periodo Cálido Medieval

Durante el siglo XIII se produjo una sucesión de revueltas que supuso la desaparición del Imperio almohade y su sustitución por poderes regionales en al-Andalus, el Magreb y el Magreb al-Aqsà. La historiografía ha presentado el surgimiento y pugna entre estos poderes como un fenómeno social, político e, incluso, cultural y religioso, con el que se ha podido explicar su aniquilación o marginalización. Este trabajo pretende contextualizar los hechos desde una perspectiva medioambiental, de forma que la desintegración del califato almohade, el surgimiento de aquellos poderes y la progresión de los reinos cristianos en la península ibérica puedan entenderse desde una visión global de cambio climático y una posible crisis agrícola.

Una planta sin clásicos. La berenjena en la farmacología medieval y renacentista

La berenjena (Solanum melongena L.) es una planta solanácea de múltiples variedades, cuyos ancestros salvajes se sitúan en Indochina y el este de África. Su cultivo fue muy temprano en zonas de China e India. Aun así, no se extendió al Occidente antiguo ni apenas se conoció, de ahí su ausencia en los textos clásicos de botánica y farmacología. Fueron los árabes quienes llevaron el cultivo de la planta por el Norte de África y Al-Andalus, de donde pasó ya a Europa. Los primeros testimonios occidentales de la berenjena aparecen en traducciones latinas de textos árabes, para incorporarse luego a la literatura farmacológica medieval y, más tarde ya, a la del Renacimiento, que empezó a tratar de ella por su posible parecido con una especie de mandrágora. Pese a que se le reconocían algunas virtudes medicinales, siempre se la tuvo bajo sospecha por ser de sabor poco agradable, indigesta y causante de algunas afecciones. Solo los botánicos de finales del Renacimiento describirían la planta y sus variedades con criterios más «científicos» y botánicos, ya sin apenas intereses farmacológicos.

Medieval knights amid the gum-trees : the experience of European heritage tourism in south-east Queensland, Australia

This paper is interested in the way in which the heritage of another place, time, and culture is repurposed for popular consumption in an experience economy, as well as the way in which the visitors experience their own past and the past of others. We trace the processes of engagement, education and nostalgia that occur when the European heritage is presented in a postcolonial context and an Australian environment. The information presented includes the results of qualitative and quantitative research conducted at the Abbey Museum over the December-Jan. period of 2012-13.

Between Herbals et alia: Intertextuality in Medieval English Herbals

This study reports a corpus-based study of medieval English herbals, which are texts conveying information on medicinal plants. Herbals belong to the medieval medical register. The study charts intertextual parallels within the medieval genre, and between herbals and other contemporary medical texts. It seeks to answer questions where and how herbal texts are linked to each other, and to other medical writing. The theoretical framework of the study draws on intertextuality and genre studies, manuscript studies, corpus linguistics, and multi-dimensional text analysis. The method combines qualitative and quantitative analyses of textual material from three historical special-language corpora of Middle and Early Modern English, one of which was compiled for the purposes of this study. The text material contains over 800,000 words of medical texts. The time span of the material is from c. 1330 to 1550. Text material is retrieved from the corpora by using plant name lists as search criteria. The raw data is filtered through qualitative analysis which produces input for the quantitative analysis, multi-dimensional scaling (MDS). In MDS, the textual space that parallel text passages form is observed, and the observations are explained by a qualitative analysis. This study concentrates on evidence of material and structural intertextuality. The analysis shows patterns of affinity between the texts of the herbal genre, and between herbals and other texts in the medical register. Herbals are most closely linked with recipe collections and regimens of health: they comprise over 95 per cent of the intertextual links between herbals and other medical writing. Links to surgical texts, or to specialised medical texts are very few. This can be explained by the history of the herbal genre: as herbals carry information on medical ingredients, herbs, they are relevant for genres that are related to pharmacological therapy. Conversely, herbals draw material from recipe collections in order to illustrate the medicinal properties of the herbs they describe. The study points out the close relationship between medical recipes and recipe-like passages in herbals (recipe paraphrases). The examples of recipe paraphrases show that they may have been perceived as indirect instruction. Keywords: medieval herbals, early English medicine, corpus linguistics, intertextuality, manuscript studies

Conrad Summenhart's theory of individual rights and its medieval background

This study focuses on the theory of individual rights that the German theologian Conrad Summenhart (1455-1502) explicated in his massive work Opus septipartitum de contractibus pro foro conscientiae et theologico. The central question to be studied is: How does Summenhart understand the concept of an individual right and its immediate implications? The basic premiss of this study is that in Opus septipartitum Summenhart composed a comprehensive theory of individual rights as a contribution to the on-going medieval discourse on rights. With this rationale, the first part of the study concentrates on earlier discussions on rights as the background for Summenhart s theory. Special attention is paid to language in which right was defined in terms of power . In the fourteenth century writers like Hervaeus Natalis and William Ockham maintained that right signifies power by which the right-holder can to use material things licitly. It will also be shown how the attempts to describe what is meant by the term right became more specified and cultivated. Gerson followed the implications that the term power had in natural philosophy and attributed rights to animals and other creatures. To secure right as a normative concept, Gerson utilized the ancient ius suum cuique-principle of justice and introduced a definition in which right was seen as derived from justice. The latter part of this study makes effort to reconstructing Summenhart s theory of individual rights in three sections. The first section clarifies Summenhart s discussion of the right of the individual or the concept of an individual right. Summenhart specified Gerson s description of right as power, taking further use of the language of natural philosophy. In this respect, Summenhart s theory managed to bring an end to a particular continuity of thought that was centered upon a view in which right was understood to signify power to licit action. Perhaps the most significant feature of Summenhart s discussion was the way he explicated the implication of liberty that was present in Gerson s language of rights. Summenhart assimilated libertas with the self-mastery or dominion that in the economic context of discussion took the form of (a moderate) self-ownership. Summenhart discussion also introduced two apparent extensions to Gerson s terminology. First, Summenhart classified right as relation, and second, he equated right with dominion. It is distinctive of Summenhart s view that he took action as the primary determinant of right: Everyone has as much rights or dominion in regard to a thing, as much actions it is licit for him to exercise in regard to the thing. The second section elaborates Summenhart s discussion of the species dominion, which delivered an answer to the question of what kind of rights exist, and clarified thereby the implications of the concept of an individual right. The central feature in Summenhart s discussion was his conscious effort to systematize Gerson s language by combining classifications of dominion into a coherent whole. In this respect, his treatement of the natural dominion is emblematic. Summenhart constructed the concept of natural dominion by making use of the concepts of foundation (founded on a natural gift) and law (according to the natural law). In defining natural dominion as dominion founded on a natural gift, Summenhart attributed natural dominion to animals and even to heavenly bodies. In discussing man s natural dominion, Summenhart pointed out that the natural dominion is not sufficiently identified by its foundation, but requires further specification, which Summenhart finds in the idea that natural dominion is appropriate to the subject according to the natural law. This characterization lead him to treat God s dominion as natural dominion. Partly, this was due to Summenhart s specific understanding of the natural law, which made reasonableness as the primary criterion for the natural dominion at the expense of any metaphysical considerations. The third section clarifies Summenhart s discussion of the property rights defined by the positive human law. By delivering an account on juridical property rights Summenhart connected his philosophical and theological theory on rights to the juridical language of his times, and demonstrated that his own language of rights was compatible with current juridical terminology. Summenhart prepared his discussion of property rights with an account of the justification for private property, which gave private property a direct and strong natural law-based justification. Summenhart s discussion of the four property rights usus, usufructus, proprietas, and possession aimed at delivering a detailed report of the usage of these concepts in juridical discourse. His discussion was characterized by extensive use of the juridical source texts, which was more direct and verbal the more his discussion became entangled with the details of juridical doctrine. At the same time he promoted his own language on rights, especially by applying the idea of right as relation. He also showed recognizable effort towards systematizing juridical language related to property rights.

Memory and Gender in Medieval Europe 900-1200

Review of Memory and Gender in Medieval Europe, 900-1200 by Elizabeth van Houts (Toronto UP, 1999).