991 resultados para Christian converts from Hinduism


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Mode of access: Internet.

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The material forms only one part of Marianne Lieberman's memoirs. It covers her time in Vienna and Maribor, Slovenia, between the years of 1939 and 1942, with individual chapter headings. Marianne Lieberman remembers her rigid father who would not see her creative talent. She describes early recollections from school, right after the Anschluss in 1938. Her father, being Jewish, had to flee Austria immediately, Marianne Lieberman and her mother went to Slovenia where they stayed with an aunt in 1939. She describes her problems of being baptized. She believed her mother went back to Vienna in 1941, that is why she headed in the same direction. Her first stop was in Graz at a relative's house. Back in Vienna, she was considered a "Mischling" and therefore in danger.

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Bound with: Walsh, Th. Le Comte de la Ferronnays et Marie-Alphonse Ratisbonne. Paris, 1842.

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Commentary on Ecclesiastes.--Prolegomena to the Song of Solomon.--The book of Job.--The prophet Isaiah.--Sacrifices of Holy Scriptures.--The Jews and the Christian Church.

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The paper deals with the problem of (the often supposedly impossible) conversion to “Hinduism”. I start with an outline of what I call the ‘no conversion possible’ paradigm, and briefl y point to the lack of refl ection on acceptance of converts in most theories of religious conversion. Then, two examples are presented: Firstly, I consider conversion to ISKCON and the discourse on the Hare Krishna movement’s Hinduness. Secondly, I give a brief outline of the globalsanatana dharmamovement as inaugurated by Satguru Siva Subramuniyaswami, a converted American Hindu based in Hawai’i. In the conclusion, I refl ect on (civic) social capital and engagement in global networks as a means to gain acceptance as converts to Hinduism. I argue in line with Stepick, Rey and Mahler (2009) that the religious movements’ civic engagement (in these cases engagement in favour of the Indian diasporic communities and of Hindus in India) provides a means for the individual, non-Indian converts to acquire the social capital that is necessary for gaining acceptance as ‘Hindus’ in certain contexts.

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Faith can be a powerful force for positive development and social change, but as James (2011) notes, it is a highly flammable fuel that can also easily result in negative outcomes. The pervasive influence of religion in the lives of many gives it a unique ability to shape both individual and communal identities (perceptions of self and others). While religious identities can be an extremely positive force, they can also be used as a source for exclusive and intolerant attitudes, with a potential to feed nationalisms that become motivators or justifications for conflict. This is particularly true in tense multi-religious contexts where competing ethnoreligious nationalistic identities and historical claims are forced to coexist – especially for faith-based development agencies that relate to one of those identities.This chapter explores the work of a small local Christian faith-based organisation (FBO) working in Buddhist communities in a region of significant Buddhist–Muslim tension and recent violent communal conflict, as a case study of development across complex faith boundaries. Local FBO Bethel works in partnership with the international FBO GraceWorks Myanmar (GWM). Making this case particularly interesting, Bethel has evolved out of a related religious organisation that still maintains a mandate for preaching a contextual Christian message to Buddhists, and most of the local workers are converts from Buddhism. Given the most inflammatory religious sparks for worsening conflicts are widely regarded to be discriminatory practices and proselytism – or perceptions of proselytism (e.g. Clarke and Jennings 2008; Flanigan 2010) – this case study is interesting for the way these issues are handled. This chapter includes new research examining whether and how this FBO has been able to avoid inflaming tensions and has been broadly granted a social mandate to operate in Buddhist communities, even though it constitutes a third religious actor in a context of vitriolic interreligious conflict.