959 resultados para Chauviré, Yvette (1917-....) -- Photographies


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Sumario: Introducción. I.- La potestad de gobierno en la Iglesia. II.- La potestad administrativa (aspecto estático). III.- La administración eclesiástica (aspecto dinámico). 1. Fundamentos teológicos y jurídicos de la administración. 1.1. teológicos. 1.2. jurídicos. 2. Función administrativa en sentido amplio. 3. Función administrativa en sentido estricto: el acto administrativo. IV.- Principio de legalidad. V.- Derecho administrativo. VI.- La tutela de los derechos de los fieles. VII.- La justicia administrativa. Conclusión

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El objetivo del presente trabajo es recopilar y sistematizar el conocimiento agropecuario popular nicaragüense por la Universidad Nacional Agraria (UNA) de Nicaragua, ha realizado trabajos de tesis a lo largo de toda su historia (98 años), para validar estos conocimientos que son de utilidad para nuestros productores, mediante la utilización del método científico. Para este estudio se realizó un análisis de documentos los cuales, son considerados una fuente valiosa de información. El trabajo de campo se realizó en los meses de noviembre 2013 a noviembre 2014, la información fue obtenida en el Centro Nicaragüense de Documentación Agropecuaria (CENIDA) de la UNA, ubicada en Managua en el km 12 ½ carretera Norte, y demás instituciones que han trabajado junto con la UNA en la elaboración de estos trabajos científicos, se tomaron variables de importancia en la vida diaria del productor, como son los granos almacenados, carbón vegetal, recursos forestales, producción de leche, sanidad animal, y las aves de patio, todas estas influyentes en la economía y alimentación de las familias campesinas. Se encontró que la UNA ha realizado un total de 2 737 tesis, de las cuales solo se encontraron 21 tesis basadas en el conocimiento indígena, campesino y popular, teniendo más temas de investigación en las áreas de sanidad animal 7 tesis, granos almacenados 5 tesis, recursos forestales 4 tesis y las de menor temas de investigación producción de carbón vegetal 2 tesis, producción de leche 2 tesis, producción de aves de patio 1 tema de tesis

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Resgata pequena parte da história do anarquismo, que praticamente desapareceu do cenário político brasileiro. Utilizando o método de análise historiográfica, e compulsando os registros de sessões ocorridas, analisa a participação da Câmara dos Deputados nas políticas relacionadas à repressão dos anarquistas nas greves ocorridas em 1917. Ao final da pesquisa, chega-se à conclusão da existência de razoáveis indícios de participação da Câmara dos Deputados nas ações de repressão ao movimento anarquista.

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Apresenta um estudo sobre a experiência anarquista no Brasil. Investiga a repercussão na Câmara dos Deputados das greves operárias realizadas em 1917 a partir de registros de atividades do Plenário. Analisa o papel desempenhado pela Câmara dos Deputados na política de expulsão de estrangeiros adotada pelo governo brasileiro durante a segunda década do século XX.

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Parte 1 - Atos do Poder Legislativo.

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O período de 1917 a 1919 foi marcado por intensa atividade reivindicatória no Brasil e no mundo, insuflada pelo clima de instabilidade global e pelo exemplo da Revolução Bolchevique. No Brasil, tal quadro repetia-se, tendo sido esse um momento de intensificação da mobilização operária, marcada por inúmeras greves que irromperam no cenário de vários centros urbanos brasileiros. Atentas a essa conjuntura, as elites políticas brasileiros não tardaram a se posicionar sobre ela. Os discursos parlamentares produzidos na Câmara dos Deputados sobre o movimento operário foram aqui objeto de análise, a fim de se determinar quais as posições presentes naquela casa legislativa sobre o tema. Duas posturas contrapostas foram identificadas: uma, majoritária, legitimadora das políticas repressivas implementadas pelos governos estaduais e federais ao movimento, calcada em uma visão em que o movimento operário era apresentado como elemento de desordem comandado por estrangeiros perniciosos; outra, minoritária, que defendia um olhar atento, por parte da instância política, sobre as reivindicações sociais, bandeiras centrais da mobilização operária. Esse embate de ideias, que se desdobrava da questão específica do operariado para outras esferas da sociedade brasileira, não foi resolvido pelo convencimento ou consenso. O olhar condenatório, produtor de um discurso que se utilizava de maneira recorrente da lógica argumentativa presente no mito político da conspiração, acaba por servir de legitimação às ações de força impostas ao movimento pelos governantes.

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Rendle, M. (2005). Family, Kinship and Revolution: The Russian Nobility, 1917-1923. Family and Community History. 8(1), pp.35-47. RAE2008

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Rendle, Matthew, 'The Symbolic Revolution: The Russian Nobility and February 1917', Revolutionary Russia (2005) 18(1) pp.23-46 RAE2008

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This is a dissertation about identity and governance, and how they are mutually constituted. Between 1838 and 1917, the British brought approximately half a million East Indian laborers to the Atlantic to work on sugar plantations. The dissertation argues that contrary to previous historiographical assumptions, indentured East Indians were an amorphous mass of people drawn from various regions of British India. They were brought together not by their innate "Indian-ness" upon their arrival in the Caribbean, but by the common experience of indenture recruitment, transportation and plantation life. Ideas of innate "Indian-ness" were products of an imperial discourse that emerged from and shaped official approaches to governing East Indians in the Atlantic. Government officials and planters promoted visions of East Indians as "primitive" subjects who engaged in child marriage and wife murder. Officials mobilized ideas about gender to sustain racialized stereotypes of East Indian subjects. East Indian women were thought to be promiscuous, and East Indian men were violent and depraved (especially in response to East Indian women's promiscuity). By pointing to these stereotypes about East Indians, government officials and planters could highlight the promise of indenture as a civilizing mechanism. This dissertation links the study of governance and subject formation to complicate ideas of colonial rule as static. It uncovers how colonial processes evolved to handle the challenges posed by migrant populations.

The primary architects of indenture, Caribbean governments, the British Colonial Office, and planters hoped that East Indian indentured laborers would form a stable and easily-governed labor force. They anticipated that the presence of these laborers would undermine the demands of Afro-Creole workers for higher wages and shorter working hours. Indenture, however, was controversial among British liberals who saw it as potentially hindering the creation of a free labor market, and abolitionists who also feared that indenture was a new form of slavery. Using court records, newspapers, legislative documents, bureaucratic correspondence, memoirs, novels, and travel accounts from archives and libraries in Britain, Guyana, and Trinidad and Tobago, this dissertation explores how indenture was envisioned and constantly re-envisioned in response to its critics. It chronicles how the struggles between the planter class and the colonial state for authority over indentured laborers affected the way that indenture functioned in the British Atlantic. In addition to focusing on indenture's official origins, this dissertation examines the actions of East Indian indentured subjects as they are recorded in the imperial archive to explore how these people experienced indenture.

Indenture contracts were central to the justification of indenture and to the creation of a pliable labor force in the Atlantic. According to English common law, only free parties could enter into contracts. Indenture contracts limited the period of indenture and affirmed that laborers would be remunerated for their labor. While the architects of indenture pointed to contracts as evidence that indenture was not slavery, contracts in reality prevented laborers from participating in the free labor market and kept the wages of indentured laborers low. Further, in late nineteenth-century Britain, contracts were civil matters. In the British Atlantic, indentured laborers who violated the terms of their contracts faced criminal trials and their associated punishments such as imprisonment and hard labor. Officials used indenture contracts to exploit the labor and limit the mobility of indentured laborers in a manner that was reminiscent of slavery but that instead established indentured laborers as subjects with limited rights. The dissertation chronicles how indenture contracts spawned a complex inter-imperial bureaucracy in British India, Britain, and the Caribbean that was responsible for the transportation and governance of East Indian indentured laborers overseas.

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El Ebro (1917-1936) was a magazine published in Barcelona by Aragonese emigrants at the beginning of the 20th century. It was the first experience of coexistence of different dialectal varieties of the Aragonese language in the same media. El Ebro was an experience that has gone virtually unnoticed in the recent history of one of the most minority languages, and with minor media presence, of Western Europe. In its pages El Ebro mixed dialects spoken in different regions of linguistic Aragonese area together with transcripts of medieval documents. At the same time, this newspaper raised debates about the language issue that they were truncated due to disappearance of the publication and the lack of theoretical realization

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A sentence of exile was a regular feature of the Russian revolutionary’s underground career. In order to survive this punishment and continue their struggle against Tsarism, revolutionaries relied on help from their fellow exiles, their party, the Political Red Cross and, often, their families. Historians have rarely acknowledged the role of kin in supporting the revolutionary movement and very few studies have noted the attempts by families to mitigate the worst aspects of a sentence of exile. This article explores the ways in which spouses and siblings, parents and children obtained concessions from the Tsarist authorities regarding their loved ones’ sentences of exile, helped off-set the poverty to which many exiles were reduced, and, above all, combated the sense of loneliness and depression to which those in exile were exposed. This article argues that such familial support had a collective and positive impact on revolutionaries’ experience of exile. More broadly it provides an illuminating case study of the blurred space between public and private which the revolutionary occupied and highlights the way in which the movement depended on help from sympathisers and family members in order to function effectively on a daily basis.