862 resultados para Capricorn Citizen Advocacy


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The impact of citizen journalism on the established journalism industry, and its role in the future news media mix, remain key topics in current journalism studies research, not least in the context of the current crisis facing many news organisations around the globe. The centrality of this issue is also reflected in the substantial number of ‘citizen journalism’ monographs and collections published across the last few years (see for example Paterson & Domingo, 2008; Boler, 2008; Allan & Thorsen, 2009; Neuberger, Nuernbergk, & Rischke, 2009; Gordon, 2009; Russell & Echchaibi, 2009; Meikle & Redden, forthcoming). With relatively few notable exceptions, much of the research and wider public discussion surrounding the citizen journalism phenomenon has employed a relatively narrow definition of the term, with many researchers focussing on citizen journalism projects which provide mainly political news and commentary, and on their role in influencing the political process especially in countries like the U.S.

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The rise to prominence of citizen journalism is usually described as a paradigm shift in the relationship between news organizations and their audiences – ‘citizen’ or ‘amateur’ journalists are positioned as inherently different from, and possibly in competition with, ‘professional’ journalists. Some journalists in the industry have taken up this theme, and are at pains to distinguish their professional, supposedly objective and accountable practices from what they describe as the opinionated and partisan ‘armchair journalism’ of amateurs, while some citizen journalists, in turn, give as good at they get and describe the professionals as lackeys of their corporate masters who (willingly or unwittingly) fall prey to political and commercial spin. In fact, the very terminology we use to describe both sides creates the impression that professionals are not also citizens, and that citizen journalists are incapable of having professional skills and knowledges; in reality, of course, the lines between them are much less clear.

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The recognition that Web 2.0 applications and social media sites will strengthen and improve interaction between governments and citizens has resulted in a global push into new e-democracy or Government 2.0 spaces. These typically follow government-to-citizen (g2c) or citizen-to-citizen (c2c) models, but both these approaches are problematic: g2c is often concerned more with service delivery to citizens as clients, or exists to make a show of ‘listening to the public’ rather than to genuinely source citizen ideas for government policy, while c2c often takes place without direct government participation and therefore cannot ensure that the outcomes of citizen deliberations are accepted into the government policy-making process. Building on recent examples of Australian Government 2.0 initiatives, we suggest a new approach based on government support for citizen-to-citizen engagement, or g4c2c, as a workable compromise, and suggest that public service broadcasters should play a key role in facilitating this model of citizen engagement.

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This paper analyses Albert Hirschman's Exit, Voice and Loyalty (Hirschman 1970) as a basis for understanding the relationship between media and citizenship. It considers the significance of Hirschman's concept of voice in relation to media policy, media participation through user-created content, and the rise of 'citizen media' and 'citizen journalism'. It associates these developments with a 'de-centering' of both media practice and media studies, as considered by Couldry (2006a, 2006b). It concludes by suggesting that voice and participation, rather than citizenship, may constitute a more suitable foundation for understanding new digital media initiatives.

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Citizen engagement and e‐government initiatives in Australia remain somewhat underdeveloped, not least for a number of fundamental structural reasons. Fledgling initiatives can be divided into a number of broad categories, including top‐down government consultation through blogs and similar experimental online sites operated by government departments; bottom‐up NGO‐driven watchdog initiatives such as GetUp!’s Project Democracy site, modelled on projects established in the UK; and a variety of more or less successful attempts by politicians (and their media handlers) to utilise social networking tools to connect with constituents while bypassing the mainstream media. This chapter explores these initiatives, and discusses the varying levels of success which they have found to date.

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This paper identifies factors underpinning the emergence of citizen journalism, including the rise of Web 2.0, rethinking journalism as a professional ideology, the decline of ‘high modernist’ journalism, divergence between elite and popular opinion, changing revenue bases for news production, and the decline of deference in democratic societies. It will connect these issues to wider debates about the implications of journalism and news production increasingly going into the Internet environment.

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The International Baccalaureate Diploma (IBD) is currently offered in 2,718 schools across 138 countries, and explicitly aims to produce ‘internationally-minded’ citizens with a sense of belonging to both the local and the global community. It thus offers an opportunity to enquire how a school curriculum might produce more intercultural or global dispositions, knowledge and skills, and the challenges inherent in such design. To frame this empirical enquiry, the chapter distinguishes between the fact of living together in difference as a life circumstance, and a range of ethical dispositions for such living together, including cosmopolitanism, internationalism, interculturality and global citizenship. These alternatives are understood as competing social imaginaries with different premises and logics. This chapter offers an empirical exploration of how the IBD’s curricular goal of ‘international-mindedness’ is interpreted firstly in current official documents, then reinterpreted by teachers and students in three case study schools in Australia. Traces of these overlapping but distinct discourses are found in the teachers’ recontextualisation of the IBD’s ‘internationalmindedness’ producing diffuse and contradictory versions of what ‘internationalmindedness’ means, and looks like in educational settings.

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This paper examines the rapid and ad hoc development and interactions of participative citizen communities during acute events, using the examples of the 2011 floods in Queensland, Australia, and the global controversy surrounding Wikileaks and its spokesman, Julian Assange. The self-organising community responses to such events which can be observed in these cases bypass or leapfrog, at least temporarily, most organisational or administrative hurdles which may otherwise frustrate the establishment of online communities; they fast-track the processes of community development and structuration. By understanding them as a form of rapid prototyping, e-democracy initiatives can draw important lessons from observing the community activities around such acute events.

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Introduction In 1952 the Nathan report stated that: Some of the most valuable activities of voluntary societies consist, however, in the fact that they may be able to stand aside from and criticize State action or inaction, in the interests of the inarticulate man in the street. Some 60 years later it remained the case that if a voluntary society wanted to gain or retain charitable status then, contrary to the Nathan report, the one thing it could not do was set itself up with the purpose of criticizing State action or inaction. This legal position was adopted by the authorities in Australia with the Australian Taxation Office (ATO) noting in Taxation Ruling TR2005/21: 102. An institution or fund is not charitable if its purpose is advocating a political party or cause, attempting to change the law or government policy, or propagating or promoting a particular point of view. So, why, if it is such a valuable activity, have governments steadfastly refused to allow charities to have as their purpose the freedom to advocate in this way and how has this situation been affected by the recent High Court of Australia decision in Aid/Watch v Commissioner of Taxation? This article proposes to address such questions. Beginning with some background history, it explains that, initially, the current constraints did not apply. Then it looks at the nature of these constraints: how does the law define what constitutes the type of political activity that a charity must not undertake? What is the rationale for prohibition? How has the judiciary contributed to the development of the law in this area in recent years? This will lead into a consideration of the Aid/Watch case and the implications arising from the recent final decision. The article concludes by reflecting on what has changed and why the view on this contentious matter now looks different from Australia.

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Citizen Coombs Wins! appears to be a standard arcade game placed within the gallery. Mortal Kombat is displayed on the screen inviting the viewer to press play. The ‘player’ selects their character and awaits the commencement of the game; at first move however, the player dies – sound and text informs them that ‘Citizen Coombs Wins!’. By altering the expected play of the game, this work exploring notions of play, control, the institution and expectation. This work seeks to invite, engage and repel the viewer in order to question, critique and play with the role of the artist and the viewer within the context of the institution. The work was included in the international group show 'Ceci n'est pas une Casino!', curated by Kevin Muhlen and Jo Kox for the Casino Luxembourg and later toured to Villa Merkel, Esslingen, Germany.

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Local governments struggle to engage time poor and seemingly apathetic citizens, as well as the city's young digital natives, the digital locals. Capturing the attention of this digitally literate community who are technology and socially savvy adds a new quality to the challenge of community engagement for urban planning. This project developed and tested a lightweight design intervention towards removing the hierarchy between those who plan the city and those who use it. The aim is to narrow this gap by enhancing people's experience of physical spaces with digital, civic technologies that are directly accessible within that space. The study's research informed the development of a public screen system called Discussions In Space (DIS). It facilitates a feedback platform about specific topics, e.g., a concrete urban planning project, and encourages direct, in-situ, real-time user responses via SMS and Twitter. The thesis presents the findings of deploying and integrating DIS in a wide range of public and urban environments, including the iconic urban screen at Federation Square in Melbourne, to explore the Human-Computer Interaction (HCI) related challenges and implications. It was also deployed in conjunction with a major urban planning project in Brisbane to explore the system's opportunities and challenges of better engaging with Australia's new digital locals. Finally, the merits of the short-texted and ephemeral data generated by the system were evaluated in three focus groups with professional urban planners. DIS offers additional benefits for civic participation as it gives voice to residents who otherwise would not be easily heard. It also promotes a positive attitude towards local governments and gathers complementary information that is different than that captured by more traditional public engagement tools.

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Confidence in a professional role is a key element in the successful transition to competent practice. New graduate dietitians report that whilst they are confident about their general dietetic ability, they are not as confident when working with clients experiencing depression or anxiety. This study aimed to develop and validate a scale which measured confidence about working with clients with depression/anxiety. The 21-item Dietetic Collaborative Practice Scale was developed using research about dietetic practice in mental health (Dowding et al., 2011), coping self-efficacy literature (Chesney et al., 2006) and collaboration with industry experts. A convenience sample of 189 Australian dietitians completed the questionnaire. Exploratory factor analysis suggests that dietetic confidence is best represented by a two-dimensional solution consisting of (a) Client-focused practice (CFP, 50.8% variance); and (b) Advocacy for self and client care (ASC, 9.7% variance). The alpha coefficient of both dimensions (CFP α=.95, ASC α=.84) demonstrates the internal consistency of components. Combined, these two components account for 60.5% of variance. The scale components were not related to years of practice or working with mental health clients but were significantly related to overall dietetic confidence (ODC). Correlation coefficients between ODC and CFP were .501 (p<.01), ODC and ASC were correlated at .465 (p<.01) and CFP and number of years as a dietitian were weakly correlated at 0.24 (p<.05). Results have implications for dietetic training and professional development. Client focus and advocacy for self and client appear to be important factors in overall confidence as a dietitian.

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The recognition that Web 2.0 applications and social media sites will strengthen and improve interaction between governments and citizens has resulted in a global push into new e-democracy or Government 2.0 spaces. These typically follow government-to-citizen (g2c) or citizen-to-citizen (c2c) models, but both these approaches are problematic: g2c is often concerned more with service delivery to citizens as clients, or exists to make a show of ‘listening to the public’ rather than to genuinely source citizen ideas for government policy, while c2c often takes place without direct government participation and therefore cannot ensure that the outcomes of citizen deliberations are accepted into the government policy-making process. Building on recent examples of Australian Government 2.0 initiatives, we suggest a new approach based on government support for citizen-to-citizen engagement, or g4c2c, as a workable compromise, and suggest that public service broadcasters should play a key role in facilitating this model of citizen engagement.