969 resultados para Brazilian Drug Policy


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The Fernando Henrique Cardoso administration attempted to replace a reactive foreign policy agenda dominated by a logic of autonomy through distance with a proactive international agenda guided by a logic of autonomy through integration. In adopting this agenda, the administration maintained that Brazil would be able to confront its problems and secure more control over its future if it actively contributed to elaborating the norms and guidelines of the administration of the global order. Because of structural weaknesses, however, this policy of integration, adherence, and participation was not adequately accompanied by positions entailing practical responsibilities - responsibilities that would have prepared both government and civil society for a higher profile in the post - cold-war era. In the end, the gains achieved during Cardoso's tenure failed to alter Brazil's international standing in any significant way. © 2007 Latin American Perspectives.

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An important characteristic of the current international setting is the crisis of the structure in existence, rather than the emergence of a new order. The rise of new interests and demands, as well as the speed of the transformation make the current understanding of global governance more complex. Brazil, like other medium powers, has an interest in institutionalised multilateralism as a means of increasing its bargaining capacity and hindering the unilateralism of major powers, without being antagonistic to them. It is attempting to increase its weight in traditional international bodies, which provide the grounding for international legitimacy, as well as in new informal arrangements. While this strategy could lead to the establishment of a new hierarchy that brings in countries of growing relative importance, it has put the weight of regional integration into another perspective in Brazilian foreign policy.

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In the five-year period 2005-09, Brazil has dramatically reduced carbon emissions by around 25% and at the same time has kept a stable economic growth rate of 3.5% annually. This combination of economic growth and emissions reduction is unique in the world. The driver was a dramatic reduction in deforestation in the Amazonian forest and the Cerrado Savannah. This shift empowered the sustainability social forces in Brazil to the point that the national Congress passed (December 2009) a very progressive law internalising carbon constraints and promoting the transition to a low-carbon economy. The transformation in Brazil’s carbon emissions profile and climate policy has increased the potentialities of convergence between the European Union and Brazil. The first part of this paper examines the assumption on which this paper is based, mainly that the trajectory of carbon emissions and climate/energy policies of the G20 powers is much more important than the United Nations multilateral negotiations for assessing the possibility of global transition to a low-carbon economy. The second part analyses Brazil’s position in the global carbon cycle and public policies since 2005, including the progressive shift in 2009 and the contradictory dynamic in 2010-12. The final part analyses the potential for a transition to a low-carbon economy in Brazil and the impact in global climate governance.

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This dissertation examined the effect of United States counter-drug policy on nationalism in small states, focusing on Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago. The states were selected for their roles and geostrategic importance in the illegal drug trade; Jamaica being the largest drug producing country in the Anglophone Caribbean and having strong links to the trade of Colombian cocaine, and Trinidad being a mere seven miles from the South American coast. Since U.S. counterdrug policies have frequently been viewed in the region as imperialistic, this dovetails into ideas on the perceptions of smallness and powerlessness of Caribbean nations. Hence, U.S. drug policies affect every vulnerability faced by the Caribbean, individually and collectively. Thus, U.S. drug policy was deemed the most appropriate independent variable, with nationalism as the dependent variable. In both countries four Focus Groups and one Delphi Study were conducted resulting in a total of 60 participants. Focus Group participants, recruited from the general population, were asked about their perception of the illegal drug trade in the country and the policies their government had created. They were also asked their perception on how deeply involved the U.S. was in the creation of these policies and their opinions on whether this involvement was positive or negative. The Delphi Study participants were experts in the field of local drug policies and also gave their interpretations of the role the U.S. played in local policy creation. Coupled with this data, content analysis was conducted on various newspaper articles, press releases, and speeches made regarding the topic. In comparing both countries, it was found that there is a disconnect between government actions and the knowledge and perceptions of the general public. In Trinidad and Tobago this disconnect was more apparent given the lack of awareness of local drug policies and the utter lack of faith in government solutions. The emerging conclusion was that the impact of U.S. drug policy on nationalism was more visible in Trinidad and Tobago where there was a weaker civil society-government relationship, while the impact on nationalism was more obscure in Jamaica, which had a stronger civil-society government relationship.

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Disparities in the crack/cocaine discourse have changed drastically since its inception over 30 years ago. Since the late 1980s, research examining this particular abuse has become more complex as both nationally and globally crack use/abuse has been examined within various contexts. Crack use has often been framed as an African American problem in part resulting from the high volume of African Americans seeking treatment for illnesses associated with their crack-cocaine use, and more African Americans dying from crack-cocaine overdose. This logical fallacy persists despite evidence showing African Americans have lower substance use/abuse compared to Caucasians. Given the impact of the crack epidemic as well as its related drug policies on African American communities and their families, further examination of crack use/abuse is necessary. This study will discuss the crack epidemic historically and examine crack use among clients of a large sample of outpatient substance abuse treatment units over a decade period between 1995 and 2005.

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A Lei nº 11.343 de 23 de agosto de 2006 (Lei de Drogas) instituiu o Sistema Nacional de Políticas Públicas sobre Drogas e criou as diretrizes para a política de drogas brasileira. Dentre o conjunto de medidas trazidas pela lei em seu dispositivo criminal está a criação de um tipo penal específico de cultivo de plantas para produção de drogas para consumo pessoal (art. 28, §1º). O plantio para consumo recebe o mesmo tratamento jurídico-penal que o porte para consumo (art. 28), sendo previstas sanções alternativas à privação de liberdade. O §2º do art. 28 da Lei de Drogas estabelece os critérios que as autoridades competentes do sistema de justiça criminal deverão considerar na tipificação penal das situações de cultivo. Este trabalho se debruça sobre a tipificação penal de situações de cultivo de canábis em acórdãos do Tribunal de Justiça de São Paulo. A problemática de pesquisa aqui desenvolvida discute especificamente quais são os argumentos e como eles são apresentados nas decisões para justificar a determinação de que uma situação de cultivo é para fins de tráfico ou de consumo pessoal. O trabalho busca identificar como os critérios do §2º do art. 28 da Lei de Drogas são apresentados na fundamentação de decisões judiciais em que se discute na esfera criminal se uma situação de cultivo é para “consumo pessoal” ou “destinada a terceiros”. Uma pergunta central norteia a pesquisa realizada: quais os elementos e de que forma eles são utilizados nas decisões analisadas para tipificação do plantio para consumo pessoal (art. 28, §1º, da Lei de Drogas) e do plantio destinado a fornecer drogas a terceiros (art. 33, §1º, II)? Para enfrentar a problemática de pesquisa utilizamos a ferramenta de busca de acórdãos disponibilizada no sítio eletrônico do Tribunal de Justiça de São Paulo. Foram analisados 135 acórdãos do TJSP que enfrentam diretamente a controvérsia relativa à tipificação penal de situações de cultivo de canábis. Os acórdãos foram proferidos entre os anos de 1998 e 2014 e foram selecionados segundo os critérios especificados no capítulo metodológico da dissertação. Os resultados quantitativos da pesquisa dizem respeito às informações gerais dos processos, elementos de prova mencionados nos acórdãos, características das situações de cultivo e fundamentação da tipificação penal. A discussão qualitativa sobre os resultados da pesquisa é promovida em quatro frentes: (i) interpretação e valoração da quantidade de drogas; (ii) antecedentes criminais, circunstâncias da prisão e do agente; (iii) materiais de venda e outros elementos relevantes na tipificação penal; e (iv) características do conjunto probatório. As questões discutidas nestas frentes circunscrevem o problema de pesquisa e é a partir delas que é feita a análise apresentada neste trabalho. Esperamos conseguir contribuir para melhor compreensão (i) da determinação da finalidade do cultivo e (ii) das implicações jurídicas que decorrem da opção legislativa pela não utilização de critérios quantitativos na definição dos crimes de tráfico de drogas e plantio para consumo.

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OBJECTIVE Analyze the implementation of drug price regulation policy by the Drug Market Regulation Chamber.METHODS This is an interview-based study, which was undertaken in 2012, using semi-structured questionnaires with social actors from the pharmaceutical market, the pharmaceuticals industry, consumers and the regulatory agency. In addition, drug prices were compiled based on surveys conducted in the state of Sao Paulo, at the point of sale, between February 2009 and May 2012.RESULTS The mean drug prices charged at the point of sale (pharmacies) were well below the maximum price to the consumer, compared with many drugs sold in Brazil. Between 2009 and 2012, 44 of the 129 prices, corresponding to 99 drugs listed in the database of compiled prices, showed a variation of more than 20.0% in the mean prices at the point of sale and the maximum price to the consumer. In addition, many laboratories have refused to apply the price adequacy coefficient in their sales to government agencies.CONCLUSIONS The regulation implemented by the pharmaceutical market regulator was unable to significantly control prices of marketed drugs, without succeeding to push them to levels lower than those determined by the pharmaceutical industry and failing, therefore, in its objective to promote pharmaceutical support for the public. It is necessary reconstruct the regulatory law to allow market prices to be reduced by the regulator as well as institutional strengthen this government body.

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The Office of the Drug Policy Coordinator is established in Chapter 80E of the Code of Iowa. The Coordinator directs the Governor’s Office of Drug Control Policy; coordinates and monitors all statewide counter-drug efforts, substance abuse treatment grants and programs, and substance abuse prevention and education programs; and engages in other related activities involving the Departments of public safety, corrections, education, public health, and human services. The coordinator assists in the development of local and community strategies to fight substance abuse, including local law enforcement, education, and treatment activities. The Drug Policy Coordinator serves as chairperson to the Drug Policy Advisory Council. The council includes the directors of the departments of corrections, education, public health, public safety, human services, division of criminal and juvenile justice planning, and human rights. The Council also consists of a prosecuting attorney, substance abuse treatment specialist, substance abuse prevention specialist, substance abuse treatment program director, judge, and one representative each from the Iowa Association of Chiefs of Police and Peace Officers, the Iowa State Police Association, and the Iowa State Sheriff’s and Deputies’ Association. Council members are appointed by the Governor and confirmed by the Senate. The council makes policy recommendations related to substance abuse education, prevention, and treatment, and drug enforcement. The Council and the Coordinator oversee the development and implementation of a comprehensive State of Iowa Drug Control Strategy. The Office of Drug Control Policy administers federal grant programs to improve the criminal justice system by supporting drug enforcement, substance abuse prevention and offender treatment programs across the state. The ODCP prepares and submits the Iowa Drug and Violent Crime Control Strategy to the U.S. Department of Justice, with recommendations from the Drug Policy Advisory Council. The ODCP also provides program and fiscal technical assistance to state and local agencies, as well as program evaluation and grants management.

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The Office of the Drug Policy Coordinator is established in Chapter 80E of the Code of Iowa. The Coordinator directs the Governor’s Office of Drug Control Policy; coordinates and monitors all statewide counter-drug efforts, substance abuse treatment grants and programs, and substance abuse prevention and education programs; and engages in other related activities involving the Departments of public safety, corrections, education, public health, and human services. The coordinator assists in the development of local and community strategies to fight substance abuse, including local law enforcement, education, and treatment activities. The Drug Policy Coordinator serves as chairperson to the Drug Policy Advisory Council. The council includes the directors of the departments of corrections, education, public health, public safety, human services, division of criminal and juvenile justice planning, and human rights. The Council also consists of a prosecuting attorney, substance abuse treatment specialist, substance abuse prevention specialist, substance abuse treatment program director, judge, and one representative each from the Iowa Association of Chiefs of Police and Peace Officers, the Iowa State Police Association, and the Iowa State Sheriff’s and Deputies’ Association. Council members are appointed by the Governor and confirmed by the Senate. The council makes policy recommendations related to substance abuse education, prevention, and treatment, and drug enforcement. The Council and the Coordinator oversee the development and implementation of a comprehensive State of Iowa Drug Control Strategy. The Office of Drug Control Policy administers federal grant programs to improve the criminal justice system by supporting drug enforcement, substance abuse prevention and offender treatment programs across the state. The ODCP prepares and submits the Iowa Drug and Violent Crime Control Strategy to the U.S. Department of Justice, with recommendations from the Drug Policy Advisory Council. The ODCP also provides program and fiscal technical assistance to state and local agencies, as well as program evaluation and grants management.