Der zweite Golfkrieg (1990-1991)

Die Arbeit analysiert die Gründe, die erst zur Golfkrise führten und dann zum darauf folgenden Golfkrieg. Es geht diesbezüglich darum festzustellen, ob die damalige US Regierung unter George Bush, die Invasion Kuwaits zum Ausbau der US-amerikanischen Hegemonie nicht nur in der Golfregion ausnutzte, sondern ob sie die Invasion begünstigte oder sogar provozierte, um als Hegemon in den internationalen Beziehungen herrschen zu können. Aus Sicht der internationalen Mächte Konstellation ergab sich 1990, nach dem Fall der Berliner Mauer (1989) und letztendlich mit der Disintegration der Sowjet Union 1991, für die USA die Gelegenheit ohne großes realpolitisches Risiko einen Krieg in einer Region zu entfachen, mit dem sie als Sieger sich die Rohstoffe (Ö l, 2/3 der bekannten Welt Ö lreserven, ect) der Golfregion aneignen könnten. Ferner würde eine Dominanz über diese Region, die als geostrategisch äuß erst wichtig gilt ihren Status als Hegemon weiter ausbauen. Um die Entwicklung der US Hegemonie zu eruieren werden kurz weitere Stationen, nach dem Golfkrieg 1991, durchleuchtet: wie z.B. der Kosovo-Krieg 1999, der 11.9.2001, der Afghanistan Krieg 2001 & der 3. Golfkrieg der USA 2003. Theoretisch wird vor allem die Hegemonietheorie auf ihre Stärken und ggf. Schwächen, in Bezug auf den 2. Golfkrieg untersucht, um zu sehen ob sie nicht nur eine Erklärung für den Krieg abgeben kann, sondern auch ob sie den weiteren Verlauf der US Auß enpolitik eruieren kann. Der empirische Teil besteht größt enteils aus der diplomatischen Geschichte zwischen den Hauptakteuren Irak, USA, Kuwait, ect. Ö konomische Aspekte kommen vor allem bei der Analyse über die Auswirkung der damaligen (US) Rezession von 1990 zu Geltung und in wiefern diese die Golfkrise und den drauf folgenden Krieg beeinfluß ten. Gegen Ende der Arbeit werden die theoretischen und die empirischen Daten nochmals auf ihre Koherenz untersucht, um ein in sich geschlossenes Gesamtbild des 2. Golfkriegs und die darauf folgende US Auß enpolitik abzugeben.

La nueva agenda internacional del Ecuador (Tema Central)

Este artículo plantea que, para poder actualizar la agenda internacional del Ecuador, se torna necesario considerar los cambios drásticos experimentados en las relaciones internacionales durante la última década. De manera particular, se debe contemplar que la caída del Muro de Berlín significó la imposición rigurosa del liberalismo económico y, a su vez, que los atentados del 11 de septiembre de 2001 implican la imposición de una ideología guiada por la lucha antiterrorista. Todo esto influye en labor de la Cancillería con relación a la cooperación internacional, organismos bilaterales y multilaterales. Finalmente, se definen temas prioritarios tales como el fortalecimiento a la democracia, seguridad, la lucha contra la corrupción, la migración, Derechos Humanos, medio ambiente, terrorismo y narcotráfico.

Sarah Kane: Cool Britannia's reluctant feminist

Aleks Sierz in his important survey of mid 1990s drama has identified the plays of Sarah Kane as exemplars of what he terms ‘In-Yer Face’ theatre. Sierz argues that Kane and her contemporaries such as Mark Ravenhill and Judy Upton represent a break with the ideological concerns of the previous generation of playwrights such as Doug Lucie and Stephen Lowe, whose work was shaped through recognizable political concerns, often in direct opposition to Thatcherism. In contrast Sarah Kane and her generation have frequently been seen as literary embodiments of ‘Thatcher’s Children’, whereby following the fall of the Berlin Wall and the inertia of the Major years, their drama eschews a recognizable political position, and seems more preoccupied with the plight of individuals cut adrift from society. In the case of Sarah Kane her frequently quoted statement, ‘I have no responsibility as a woman writer because I don’t believe there’s such a thing’, has compounded this perception. Moreover, its dogmatism also echoes the infamous comments attributed to Mrs Thatcher regarding the role of the individual to society. However, this article seeks to reassess Kane’s position as a woman writer and will argue that her drama is positioned somewhere between the female playwrights who emerged after 1979 such as Sarah Daniels, Timberlake Wertenbaker and Clare McIntyre, whose drama was distinguished by overtly feminist concerns, and its subsequent breakdown, best exemplified by the brief cultural moment associated with the newly elected Blair government known as ‘Cool Britannia’. Drawing on a variety of sources, including Kane’s unpublished monologues, written while she was a student just after Mrs Thatcher left office, this paper will argue that far from being an exponent of post-feminism, Kane’s drama frequently revisits and is influenced by the generation of dramatists whose work was forged out the sharp ideological positions that characterized the 1980s and a direct consequence of Thatcherism.

Real estate capital flows and transitional economies

reign real estate capital was a major source of financing domestic property market office construction in Central Europe after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. During the 1990s, over 800 office buildings were either newly constructed or refurbished in Budapest, Prague and Warsaw. The primary focus of this analysis is explaining the spatial construction and redevelopment patterns of the post-1989 office buildings in these cities. Secondarily, we analyze the correlation of foreign direct investment flows to annual construction of office buildings. We seek to explain the location of new or refurbished office buildings in the central business district (CBD) or in non-CBD locations in terms of the effect of time, size of property and other variables, and test whether there is a positive correlation relationship of foreign direct investment flows and new office construction or refurbishment. Integrating relevant foreign direct investment (FDI), economic geography and property theories in the research, the authors attempt to bridge existing gaps in the literature.

Walled in: ordinary East Germans' responses to 13 August 1961

The building of the Berlin Wall on 13 August 1961 had repercussions not only on the international scene, but also for the power relationship between state and society in the German Democratic Republic. This article considers the short-, medium- and long-term reactions of the East German population to the border closure from a personal and political perspective, examining key groups such as educated elites, workers, and young people. The closed society elicited a new deference in the short term, but the author argues for considerable continuities of low-level disruptive behavior before and after 13 August. In the longer term, there was a generation born behind the Wall which by simple habituation rather than a conscious decision was forced to accept the new contours of the geopolitical landscape created by the Wall.

Sarah Kane: Cool Britannia’s reluctant feminist

Aleks Sierz in his important survey of mid 1990s drama has identified the plays of Sarah Kane as exemplars of what he terms ‘In-Yer Face’ theatre. Sierz argues that Kane and her contemporaries such as Mark Ravenhill and Judy Upton represent a break with the ideological concerns of the previous generation of playwrights such as Doug Lucie and Stephen Lowe, whose work was shaped through recognizable political concerns, often in direct opposition to Thatcherism. In contrast Sarah Kane and her generation have frequently been seen as literary embodiments of ‘Thatcher’s Children’, whereby following the fall of the Berlin Wall and the inertia of the Major years, their drama eschews a recognizable political position, and seems more preoccupied with the plight of individuals cut adrift from society. In the case of Sarah Kane her frequently quoted statement, ‘I have no responsibility as a woman writer because I don’t believe there’s such a thing’, has compounded this perception. Moreover, its dogmatism also echoes the infamous comments attributed to Mrs Thatcher regarding the role of the individual to society. However, this article seeks to reassess Kane’s position as a woman writer and will argue that her drama is positioned somewhere between the female playwrights who emerged after 1979 such as Sarah Daniels, Timberlake Wertenbaker and Clare McIntyre, whose drama was distinguished by overtly feminist concerns, and its subsequent breakdown, best exemplified by the brief cultural moment associated with the newly elected Blair government known as ‘Cool Britannia’. Drawing on a variety of sources, including Kane’s unpublished monologues, written while she was a student just after Mrs Thatcher left office, this paper will argue that far from being an exponent of post-feminism, Kane’s drama frequently revisits and is influenced by the generation of dramatists whose work was forged out the sharp ideological positions that characterized the 1980s and a direct consequence of Thatcherism.

The Cold War and its aftermath in the Americas: the search for a synthetic interpretation of U.S. policy

More than two decades have passed since the fall of the Berlin Wall and the transfer of the Cold War file from a daily preoccupation of policy makers to a more detached assessment by historians. Scholars of U.S.-Latin American relations are beginning to take advantage both of the distance in time and of newly opened archives to reflect on the four decades that, from the 1940s to the 1980s, divided the Americas, as they did much of the world. Others are seeking to understand U.S. policy and inter-American relations in the post-Cold War era, a period that not only lacks a clear definition but also still has no name. Still others have turned their gaze forward to offer policies in regard to the region for the new Obama administration. Numerous books and review essays have addressed these three subjects—the Cold War, the post-Cold War era, and current and future issues on the inter-American agenda. Few of these studies attempt, however, to connect the three subjects or to offer new and comprehensive theories to explain the course of U.S. policies from the beginning of the twentieth century until the present. Indeed, some works and policy makers continue to use the mind-sets of the Cold War as though that conflict were still being fought. With the benefit of newly opened archives, some scholars have nevertheless drawn insights from the depths of the Cold War that improve our understanding of U.S. policies and inter-American relations, but they do not address the question as to whether the United States has escaped the longer cycle of intervention followed by neglect that has characterized its relations with Latin America. Another question is whether U.S. policies differ markedly before, during, and after the Cold War. In what follows, we ask whether the books reviewed here provide any insights in this regard and whether they offer a compass for the future of inter-American relations. We also offer our own thoughts as to how their various perspectives could be synthesized to address these questions more comprehensively.

Switching on the chronometer of history : communism, postcommunism and heritage

The destruction of monuments accompanying the fall of Communism ignited debates about preservation of manifestations of a hated regime. While heritage professionals called for their preservation as ‘historical documents’, many monuments were destroyed or removed. Yampolsky sees anti-Communist iconoclasm as a rejection of the totalitarianism of time embodied in Communist monuments. These ‘intentional monuments’ were intended to ‘negate the march of time and oppose to it the permanence of human action’. They demonstrated the alleged end of history in a classless utopia.

Iconoclastic acts against these monuments involved the crossing of ‘the invisible boundaries of the sacral zone surrounding monuments, switching on the chronometer of history’. In doing so, iconoclasts provide the conditions for reassertion of heritage practices: heritage requires a sense of the flow of time, a difference between past, present and future.

Having restarted the chronometer of history, a society is forced to assess where it stands in relation to its past. Will it continue on a path of ‘wilful forgetting’, or seek to confront the past? The danger of wilful forgetting is the creation of nostalgia. Alternatively, preservation of places of memory helps processing of the past required for movement into the future. ‘One need only consider the way in which Berliners tore down the hated Berlin Wall in the aftermath of 1989’, Fulbrook writes, ‘to understand the desire to rid the landscape of a hated excrescence, a symbol of a rejected political past. But…for those who come after, the effort of historical imagination is all the greater for lack of a topography of experience’.

Heritage preservation can produce a ‘topography of experience’, through which the experience of Communism is examined. Reassertion of a humanistic historical time through heritage practices reveals the arrogant futility of utopian projects seeking to bring history to an end.

Razing Red Square

Razing Red Square is novel set in Moscow and Leningrad during the Glasnost period just prior to the fall of the Berlin wall. It analyses paradigm shifts in world politics. This novel according to the accompanying exegesis is able, albeit fictionally, to document this time faithfully and poignantly.

Souvenirs of the senses

A crise orgânica do Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB) e o declínio do socialismo real

Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC

Sanções econômicas internacionais

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

O governo Lula e a agenda dos anos 90: ambigüidade na política administrativa

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Letteratura e realia. Le espressioni culturo-specifiche nelle traduzioni italiane della Wendeliteratur

Il presente lavoro affronta il problema della traduzione dei termini culturo-specifici nella letteratura contemporanea di lingua tedesca ambientata nella DDR. L’analisi della produzione narrativa della Wendeliteratur consente di osservare come il lessico e le espressioni tipiche della DDR vengano utilizzati nelle opere letterarie in funzione citazionale per denotare e connotare la realtà della Germania dell’Est. Attraverso un approccio integrato che coniuga i contributi teorici degli studi sulla traduzione con gli aspetti della pratica traduttiva il lavoro indaga il tema dei realia attraverso una presentazione delle ricerche esistenti, propone una classificazione specifica per i realia della DDR e procede a una ricognizione delle strategie e dei procedimenti traduttivi concreti, che consente di evidenziare le diverse scelte adottate dai traduttori. Attraverso un’analisi ermeneutica dei testi e lo strumento dell’isotopia come indicatore di coerenza le traduzioni italiane delle opere della Wendeliteratur sono oggetto di un’analisi critica. I risultati dell’analisi vengono infine utilizzati come riferimento per la traduzione dei realia nel racconto di F.C. Delius, Die Birnen von Ribbeck.

Analyzing convergence of Agricultural and Rural Areas in the Enlarged EU: The case of Hungary

The fall of the Berlin Wall opened the way for a reform path – the transition process – which accompanied ten former Socialist countries in Central and South Eastern Europe to knock at the EU doors. By the way, at the time of the EU membership several economic and structural weaknesses remained. A tendency towards convergence between the new Member States (NMS) and the EU average income level emerged, together with a spread of inequality at the sub-regional level, mainly driven by the backwardness of the agricultural and rural areas. Several progresses were made in evaluating the policies for rural areas, but a shared definition of rurality is still missing. Numerous indicators were calculated for assessing the effectiveness of the Common Agricultural Policy and Rural Development Policy. Previous analysis on the Central and Eastern European countries found that the characteristics of the most backward areas were insufficiently addressed by the policies enacted; the low data availability and accountability at a sub-regional level, and the deficiencies in institutional planning and implementation represented an obstacle for targeting policies and payments. The next pages aim at providing a basis for understanding the connections between the peculiarities of the transition process, the current development performance of NMS and the EU role, with particular attention to the agricultural and rural areas. Applying a mixed methodological approach (multivariate statistics, non-parametric methods, spatial econometrics), this study contributes to the identification of rural areas and to the analysis of the changes occurred during the EU membership in Hungary, assessing the effect of CAP introduction and its contribution to the convergence of the Hungarian agricultural and rural. The author believes that more targeted – and therefore efficient – policies for agricultural and rural areas require a deeper knowledge of their structural and dynamic characteristics.