Entre amigos e inimigos: raízes da relação com as normas no Rio de Janeiro

Neste estudo interessa a formação social do Rio de Janeiro, bem como suas expressões em métodos de controle social, com foco no trato da legalidade e suas peculiaridades - entre elas e, principalmente, a relação dos indivíduos com as normas e vice-versa. Após explanações sobre a dualidade amigos x inimigos aplicada no trato legal, se analisará a existência de um possível Estado de exceção que para alguns autores se tornou permanente. Entendendo-se que modelos e padrões de repressão e policiamento que atravessaram as épocas e continentes desembocaram nos dias de hoje, (visto que as mudanças de valores sociais tenham demarcado claramente alguns institutos formais ou materiais refletores das nuanças do poder e do uso da força e da Justiça como sua última legitimadora), foi necessário percorrer a via analítica histórica para uma melhor compreensão dos fenômenos estudados. Se tratará da Inquisição e de todo o período aristocrático brasileiro, encerrando a pesquisa nas prévias da república, visando-se frisar a aplicabilidade de ideias e conceitos perenes relativos à normatividade e os padrões democráticos e aristocráticos que ora parecem duelar e ora se sobrepor no imaginário social brasileiro. Espera-se, assim, abrir caminho para uma micro-sociologia policial a ser tratada em pesquisas futuras. Nesse sentido, por fim, a ideia da guerra ao crime será trazida como hipótese a ser verificada, buscando-se seus efeitos diretos, indiretos e colaterais eventualmente identificados. Serão usadas como apoio à empreitada sociológica que ora apenas se inicia: História, Criminologia, Antropologia e Direito Penal.

Tempos diferentes coexistindo nos pilares e no currículo do Centro Cultural Sobradinho

O presente trabalho é fruto de uma pesquisa qualitativa, a partir de um estudo de caso. Parte das questões enfrentadas na produção curricular do processo de formação dos cursos de artes de um centro cultural, em Quissamã, município situado em uma região periférica no interior do estado do Rio de Janeiro. O trabalho aborda questões que interferem na formulação dos currículos, que se dão no cotidiano. O currículo não é escrito é dado na demanda do processo formativo e se apresenta como espaço discursivo. O estudo se inscreve no campo político da dimensão cultural da realidade social, tornando possível, na sua discussão, a absorção das contribuições dos estudos pós-coloniais. O trabalho depesquisa sobre o objeto aproxima a atuação do centro cultural às posturas contra-hegemônicas globais a partir de uma ação local. Está instalado em um sobrado construído no século XIX. O seu espaço físico é um prédio histórico, que no passado foi uma residência da aristocracia rural local. Este espaço foi ressignificado e hoje é um espaço livre às novas descobertas que discute nossa contemporaneidade sem perder de vista o seu passado. A restauração do prédio e a criação do centro cultural pertencem a um movimento, no qual valores e sentidos foram descolados e passaram a ter nova significação, o que interfere na ação política da instituição.

Kulturowy charakter czasu i przestrzeni. Analiza średniowiecznego i wczesnorenesansowego elitarnego budownictwa mieszkalnego i obronnego w Irlandii

Wydział Historyczny: Instytut Prahistorii

Designs and designers of medieval ‘new towns’ in Wales

Medieval 'new towns' seem to echo Roman towns in having a grid of streets associated with a fortress, and have often been credited with a standard plan applied by the hand of authority. Here the authors analyse the new towns founded by Edward I in Wales and find some highly significant variations. Rediscovering the original layouts by high precision survey and GIS mapping, they show that some towns, founded at the same time and on similar topography, had quite different layouts, while others, founded at long intervals, had plans that were almost identical. Documentation hints at the explanation: it was the architects, masons and ditch-diggers, not the king and aristocracy, who established and developed these blueprints of urban life.

"Thought-Tormented Music": Joyce and the Music of the Irish Revival

"In this special issue's opening essay, Martin Dowling devotes almost half of "'Thought-Tormented Music': Joyce and the Music of the Irish Revival" to what he calls "the situation of music in the Irish literary revival." He focuses chiefly on 1904, which was both an intensely productive period for the revival movement and a year chock-full of crucial events and decisions for Joyce. Drawing on the works of Pierre Bourdieu and Jaques Lacan, Dowling explores the revivalists' efforts to "de-anglicize" Irish music, to remove foreign influences that distorted the "pure tradition of Irish song," and to achieve an improbable harmony between the music favoured by the disappearing Anglo-Irish aristocracy and the Irish-speaking peasantry. Inevitably, disputes occurred over what constituted "authentic" Irish music. Factions quarrelled over whether pristine Irish music existed in the Atlantic seaboard or more inland; whether "authentic" songs were sung with or without instrumental accompaniment; and whether the piano, rather than the traditional harp, was a legitimate instrument of accompaniment. Having delineated the historical and theoretical context, Dowling offers a richly detailed analysis of Joyce's story "A Mother." He reveals how almost every element in the story--from the Eire Abu Society to the Antient Concert Rooms, from the conflict between Mrs. Kearney and Hoppy Holohan to the plight of Kathleen Kearney--is charged with meaning by the subtextual conflicts of the revivalists' agenda. Dowling explains also the "authenticity" in Joyce's depiction of vocal performances of "The Lass of Aughrim" in "The Dead" and "The Croppy Boy" in "Sirens," which he calls two "true gems" of authentic Irish music." --Introduction by Charles Rossman and Alan W. Friedman, Guest Editors, pp. 409-410

Protestantism, Spectacle, Motherhood and Vice: Dublin's New Pleasure Gardens

In 1748, Bartholomew Mosse, a curious combination of surgeon, obstetrician and entertainment impresario, established a pleasure garden on the northern fringes of Dublin. Ostensibly designed to fund the construction of a maternity hospital to be located adjacently, Mosse’s New Pleasure Gardens became one of the premier leisure resorts in Dublin. This was to have a profound effect on the city’s urban form. Within a few years the gardens became an epicentre of speculative development as the upper classes jostled to build their houses in the vicinity. Meanwhile, the creation nearby of Sackville Mall, a wide and generous strolling ground, established a whole section of the city dedicated to haute spectacle, display and leisure. Like other pleasure gardens in the British Isles, Mosse’s venture introduced new, commodified forms of entertainment. In the colonial context of eighteenth-century Ireland, however, ‘a land only recently won and insecurely held’ (Foster, 1988) by the Protestant Anglo-Irish settler class, the production of culture and spectacle was perhaps more significant than elsewhere. Indeed, the form of Mosse’s gardens echoed the private city gardens of a key figure in the Anglo-Irish aristocracy, while the hospital itself was constructed in a style of a Palladian country house, symbol of colonial presence in the countryside. However, like other pleasure gardens, the mix of music and alcohol, the heterogeneous crowd culled from across social and gender boundaries, and a landscape punctuated with secluded corners, meant that it also acquired a dubious reputation as a haunt of louche and illicit behaviours. The curious juxtaposition between a maternity hospital and pleasure garden, therefore, begins to assume other, hitherto hidden complexities. These are borne out by a closer examination of the architecture of the hospital, the shape of its landscape and the records of its patrons and patients.

Memoranda book

Memoranda book which is “respectfully dedicated to Mrs. Wilkinson of Sandwich by her humble servant Pope John, Windsor, February 1871”. The writing in this notebook is quite ornate. The only entry in the book is “The Royal Game of Bezique as Played by the Aristocracy of Windsor and Sandwich”. The front cover has come apart from the book and the leather cover is quite worn. The pages are in good condition, but slightly yellowed. The book measures 10 x 6 1/2 cm, 1871.

L’anarchie dans la philosophie politique : Réflexions anarchistes sur la typologie traditionnelle des régimes politiques

Selon la tradition, seulement trois régimes purs — monarchie, aristocratie et démocratie — sont identifiés comme étant capables, sous certaines conditions, de permettre l’atteinte du « bien commun ». Ce texte suggère qu’une typologie complète des régimes politiques doit inclure l’anarchie non pas en tant que forme dévoyée de la démocratie, mais bien comme un idéal type de régime pur. La nouvelle typologie devrait inclure la monarchie (le règne d’un seul), l’aristocratie (le règne d’une minorité), la démocratie (le règne de la majorité) et l’anarchie (l’auto-gouvernement de tous, par consensus). Au final, il est nécessaire de se rappeler que la vie politique ne se limite pas à l’État, et que l’anarchie peut s’incarner — ici et maintenant — dans des communautés et des groupes politiques locaux et de petite dimension. Le rejet radical de l’anarchie par les philosophes qui prétendent que sa réalisation est impossible dans notre monde moderne est donc trompeuse et appauvrit nécessairement notre pensée politique.

Loquit, ridet, et vincit : l’intégration du toscan dans la commedeja pe ‘mmuseca et sa mise en musique : une forme de résistance contre la domination étrangère

La version intégrale de ce mémoire est disponible uniquement pour consultation individuelle à la Bibliothèque de musique de l’Université de Montréal (www.bib.umontreal.ca/MU).

La souffrance féminine chez Huysmans, Bloy, Bernanos et Mauriac : catholicisme et maladie mentale

Silence et soumission aux valeurs patriarcales dominantes : ainsi peut être brossée dans son ensemble et sans pour autant la déformer l’image de la condition féminine encore pleinement opérante à la fin du XIXe siècle et au début du XXe siècle en France. La femme, ouvrière, bourgeoise ou noble, est destinée à la maternité, et ses désirs sont méprisés au profit de ceux de son (futur) époux. En littérature cependant, à partir de Madame Bovary (1857) et parallèlement à la montée timide du féminisme, apparaissent plusieurs figures féminines éminemment tragiques qui contestent la condition féminine. Louise Marles, Véronique Cheminot, Mouchette et Thérèse Desqueyroux – et tant d’autres encore… – sont autant de (jeunes) personnages féminins qui rejettent plus ou moins violemment la mise sous tutelle de la femme et l’impossibilité d’avoir un statut social et juridique accepté en dehors du mariage. Pourtant, parce qu’en ces figures de femme – et souvent malgré elles – refuse de se taire une torturante aspiration à la liberté, elles sont fatalement vouées à la folie et à la mort, deviennent prostituées, criminelles, internées ou suicidaires, voire les quatre. Selon nous, la folie est l’état dans lequel ces personnages féminins s’enlisent car ils remettent profondément en question les valeurs établies par des hommes et pour des hommes. Nous pensons que la folie est le moyen littéraire utilisé par les écrivains pour montrer l’ampleur de leur souffrance existentielle et son unique langage possible ; en ce sens, la folie serait la représentation extérieure d’une écrasante souffrance morale et psychologique. Enfin, la possession diabolique est une autre cause portée par Bernanos pour répondre à la question de la folie des femmes. Notre étude portera sur quatre figures tragiques de personnages féminins imaginées par quatre écrivains catholiques : Louise dans En rade (Huysmans, 1887), Véronique dans Le Désespéré (Léon Bloy, 1887), Mouchette dans Sous le soleil de Satan (Bernanos, 1926) et Thérèse Desqueyroux dans le roman éponyme de Mauriac (1927).

La revolución como metáfora política: para una comprensión de la revolución fascista de Benito Mussolini

Asumiendo que existe una tendencia de la opinión pública y académica por relacionar la idea de revolución con procesos netamente de izquierda, se propone comprender el término como concepto y como metáfora con el fin de alejarlo de la polarización ideológica. En esta investigación se abordan los conceptos políticos y su relación con las metáforas a partir de unos principios teóricos básicos: la idea de Koselleck de que los conceptos tienen historia, y la idea de Blumenberg de que muchos conceptos fundamentales son potentes porque en el fondo son metáforas. Posteriormente se observa cómo las diferentes posturas políticas han adoptado o rechazado la idea de revolución como parte de sus proyectos políticos. Finalmente, el caso del fascismo se presenta como un escenario clave para comprobar la trascendencia del concepto y las implicaciones de su uso en términos discursivos y prácticos

The Victoria Falls 1900-1940: Landscape, tourism and the geographical imagination

This article is about the politics of landscape ideas, and the relationship between landscape, identity and memory. It explores these themes through the history of the Victoria Falls, and the tourist resort that developed around the waterfall after 1900. Drawing on oral and archival sources, including popular natural history writing and tourist guides, it investigates African and European ideas about the waterfall, and the ways that these interacted and changed in the course of colonial appropriations of the Falls area. The tourist experience of the resort and the landscape ideas promoted through it were linked to Edwardian notions of Britishness and empire, ideas of whiteness and settler identities that transcended new colonial borders, and to the subject identities accommodated or excluded. Cultures of colonial authority did not develop by simply overriding local ideas, they involved fusions, exchanges and selective appropriations of them. The two main African groups I am concerned with here are the Leya, who lived in small groups around the Falls under a number of separate chiefs, and the powerful Lozi rulers, to whom they paid tribute in the nineteenth century. The article highlights colonial authorities' celebration of aspects of the Lozi aristocracy's relationship with the river, and their exclusion of the Leya people who had a longer and closer relationship with the waterfall. It also touches on the politics of recent attempts to reverse this exclusion, and the controversial rewriting of history this has involved.

Sparta and the English Republic

In 1659-60, James Harrington and Henry Stubbe, two republican authors, engaged in a bad-tempered pamphlet debate about the constitution of classical Sparta. This took place in the context of political collapse after the fall of the Cromwellian Protectorate, as republicans desperately attempted to devise safeguards which could prevent the return of monarchy. Questions of constitutional form were not always at the forefront of 1650s English republicanism, but Harrington’s ideal constitution of ‘Oceana’ brought these questions to the fore in 1659’s discussions. Sparta formed a key plank of the ‘ancient prudence’ which supported Harrington’s theory, and like Stubbe he drew on Nicolaus Cragius’ De Republica Lacedaemoniorum (1593) for evidence, and was attracted to some of the more apparently ‘aristocratic’ elements of the Spartan constitution. However, classical texts and modern scholarly authority, such as Cragius’, were not the only ingredients in the English version of the ‘classical republican’ tradition; sixteenth- and seventeenth-century political thinkers and current exigencies also shaped Harrington and Stubbe’s arguments. Both Harrington and Stubbe ended up challenging the scholarly and ancient consensus that Sparta was an aristocracy or mixed polity, Harrington reinterpreting it to assimilate it to ‘democracy’, and Stubbe attempting to rehabilitate a model of benign ‘oligarchy’.

Will the real Waleed Aly please stand up?: Media, celebrity and the making of an Australian public intellectual

Abstract: Waleed Aly is arguably the most visible and vocal Australian public intellectual from a non-Anglo-Australian background. The ubiquitous Aly is a veritable Renaissance man - he is a television presenter, radio host, academic and rock musician. He is also a former lawyer, and served on the executive committee of the Islamic Council of Victoria. In short, he is the 'go-to' Muslim for commentary on a wide range of political and civic affairs. This article argues that Aly's media profile and celebrity status have as much to do with an Australian cultural imaginary that posits 'whiteness' as an uncontestable normative value as it does with Aly's undoubted skills as a journalist, academic and cultural commentator. It examines Aly's career with reference to Ghassan Hage's concept of 'whiteness' as a form of aspirational cultural capital and various theories of persona and performativity. For Hage, 'whiteness' is not a literal skin colour; rather, it consists of elements that can be adopted by individuals and groups (such as nationally valued looks, accents, tastes, cultural preferences and modes of behaviour). While entry to what Hage calls Australia's 'national aristocracy' is generally predicated on possessing the correct skin tone, it is theoretically possible for dark-skinned people such as Waleed Aly to enter the field of national belonging and partake in public discourse about a range of topical issues. More specifically, the article substantiates its claims about Aly's status as a member of Australia's cultural aristocracy through a comparative discourse and performance analysis of his presentation of 'self' in four distinctive media contexts: Channel 10's The Project, the ABC RN Drive program, ABC TV's Q&A and the SBS comedy-talk show Salaam Caf , which looked at the 'funny side of life as an Australian Muslim' and showcased other multi-talented Muslim professionals of both genders.

"Os bárbaros estão chegando": o processo de democratização do governo Richa no Paraná

O presente trabalho de pesquisa acadêmica abrange a análise da conjuntura política do processo de transição democrática no Brasil e no Paraná, ocorrida no final da década de 1970 e inícios dos anos 80. No capítulo introdutório examino os elementos teórico-metodológicos, que são as categorias de análise que utilizo no estudo da situação concreta brasileira, como contexto amplo, e da conjuntura das eleiçôes de 1982 e do governo de José Richa no Paraná. Era necessário examinar a concepçâo "ampliada" de Estado, o conceito de estrutura e de superestrutura do bloco histórico e a concepção da vertente da democracia liberal e da vertente da democracia popular, no enfoque da literatura do materialismo histórico-dialético, de autores clássicos e modernos. No segundo capítulo examino o projeto de transição democrática dos generais presidentes Geisel e Figueiredo: um plano dos militares e das elites brasileiras para salvar as elites no poder, na travessia pelo alto. O projeto não ia além da legitimação do regime e do modelo econômico pela passagem do governo militar aos civis, por um processo eleitoral duvidoso. No Paraná, objetivo principal da pesquisa, examino o projeto liberal do governo do PMDB de Richa, desde a organizaçâo partidária, a elaboraçâo das diretrizes de governo, a campanha eleitoral, a participaçâo de intelectuais de ponta na campanha, as alianças do PMDB com os setores populares da sociedade até a composição e a "direitização" do governo. "OS BÁRBAROS ESTÃO CHEGANDO", título principal da dissertação, era a denominação que a aristocracia (elite) curitibana atribuiu a José Richa, quando o mesmo ganhou as eleições ao governo do Paraná, pelo fato de ser do interior do Estado e não fazer parte do mundo civilizado da Curitiba cosmopolita. No terceiro capítulo examino a questão da democratização da escola pública do Estado pela instituição das eleições para diretor e vice-diretor da escola, pelos professores, servidores, alunos e pais de alunos. Digo que a democracia vai além do decreto governamental que estabelece as eleições. Digo ainda que o discurso na prática é outro, no caso do governo Richa e da educação. A questão básica da pesquisa é trabalhar a idéia de que a educação é um campo de disputas e confrontos de classes pela hegemonia do poder, em que a classe dominante luta para manter-se no poder como classe dirigente e as classes subalternas ora se mantém aliadas e como classes auxiliares à classe dominante, ora consentem e raras vezes rebelam-se contra a dominaçâo da classe dirigente.