The American federationist.

Includes separately paged "Junior union section."

Official proceedings of the convention.

Mode of access: Internet.

Presentation in behalf of the shop craft employes, Chesapeake and Ohio Railway Company before the Federal Arbitration Board;

Mode of access: Internet.

Before the United States Railroad Labor Board; exhibit ...

[1] The development of collection bargaining on a national basis.--[2] Industrial relations on railroads prior to 1917.--[3] The sanction of the eight-hour day.--[4] Seniority rules of the national agreement.--[5] The recognition of human standards in industry.--[6] Human standards and railroad policy.--[7] Railroad boards of labor adjustment.--[8] Punitive overtime.--[9] Rules prior to national agreement.--[10] Occupation hazard of railway shopmen.--[11] The work of the railway carmen.--[12] The unity of the American railway system.--[13-16] Inadequacies of railway management, part I-IV.--[17] Specific cases cited by Mr. Whiter, and employees' rebuttal.--[18] Standardization.--[19] The problem of piece work.

Master agreement covering new ship construction between Pacific Coast shipbuilders and the Metal Trades Dept. AF of L.

Mode of access: Internet.

Report of proceedings of the convention.

Nov. 1908-1955 conventions held annually, except none held in 1945.

Organized labor and U.S. foreign policy: The Solidarity Center in historical context

During the Cold War the foreign policy of the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO), was heavily criticized by scholars and activists for following the lead of the U.S. state in its overseas operations. In a wide range of states, the AFL-CIO worked to destabilize governments selected by the U.S. state for regime change, while in others the Federation helped stabilize client regimes of the U.S. state. In 1997 the four regional organizations that previously carried out AFL-CIO foreign policy were consolidated into the American Center for International Labor Solidarity (Solidarity Center). My dissertation is an attempt to analyze whether the foreign policy of the AFL-CIO in the Solidarity Center era is marked by continuity or change with past practices. At the same time, this study will attempt to add to the debate over the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the post-Cold War era, and its implications for future study. Using the qualitative "process-tracing" detailed by of Alexander George and Andrew Bennett (2005) my study examines a wide array of primary and secondary sources, including documents from the NED and AFL-CIO, in order to analyze the relationship between the Solidarity Center and the U.S. state from 2002-2009. Furthermore, after analyzing broad trends of NED grants to the Solidarity Center, this study examines three dissimilar case studies including Venezuela, Haiti, and Iraq and the Middle East and North African (MENA) region to further explore the connections between U.S. foreign policy goals and the Solidarity Center operations. The study concludes that the evidence indicates continuity with past AFL-CIO foreign policy practices whereby the Solidarity Center follows the lead of the U.S. state. It has been found that the patterns of NED funding indicate that the Solidarity Center closely tailors its operations abroad in areas of importance to the U.S. state, that it is heavily reliant on state funding via the NED for its operations, and that the Solidarity Center works closely with U.S. allies and coalitions in these regions. Finally, this study argues for the relevance of "top-down" NGO creation and direction in the post-Cold War era.

Organized Labor and U.S. Foreign Policy: The Solidarity Center in Historical Context

During the Cold War the foreign policy of the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO), was heavily criticized by scholars and activists for following the lead of the U.S. state in its overseas operations. In a wide range of states, the AFL-CIO worked to destabilize governments selected by the U.S. state for regime change, while in others the Federation helped stabilize client regimes of the U.S. state. In 1997 the four regional organizations that previously carried out AFL-CIO foreign policy were consolidated into the American Center for International Labor Solidarity (Solidarity Center). My dissertation is an attempt to analyze whether the foreign policy of the AFL-CIO in the Solidarity Center era is marked by continuity or change with past practices. At the same time, this study will attempt to add to the debate over the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the post-Cold War era, and its implications for future study. Using the qualitative “process-tracing” detailed by of Alexander George and Andrew Bennett (2005) my study examines a wide array of primary and secondary sources, including documents from the NED and AFL-CIO, in order to analyze the relationship between the Solidarity Center and the U.S. state from 2002-2009. Furthermore, after analyzing broad trends of NED grants to the Solidarity Center, this study examines three dissimilar case studies including Venezuela, Haiti, and Iraq and the Middle East and North African (MENA) region to further explore the connections between U.S. foreign policy goals and the Solidarity Center operations. The study concludes that the evidence indicates continuity with past AFL-CIO foreign policy practices whereby the Solidarity Center follows the lead of the U.S. state. It has been found that the patterns of NED funding indicate that the Solidarity Center closely tailors its operations abroad in areas of importance to the U.S. state, that it is heavily reliant on state funding via the NED for its operations, and that the Solidarity Center works closely with U.S. allies and coalitions in these regions. Finally, this study argues for the relevance of “top-down” NGO creation and direction in the post-Cold War era.

Sullivan Agent Confesses, [1948]

The National Seaman’s Association was a labour recruiter hiding behind a union-like name. It was run by H.N. McMaster who collected fees from companies and dues from workers. With McMaster in charge, shipping interests could claim that their seamen had a union, but ship-owners were free to push their vessels and their workers to the breaking point. In 1935, the members on the Great Lakes decided to strike. One year later, they created their own union and amalgamated with a Montreal-based independent body to create the Canadian Seamen’s Union headed by a ship’s cook who became a union leader, John Allan Patrick “Pat” Sullivan. By the late 1940s, almost all sailors on Canadian ships were CSU members. Right from its inception in 1936, Communists were prominent among the leaders of the union. Sullivan had been recruited to the Communist party that year and the union had a close rapport with the party. On June 8, 1940, Pat Sullivan was arrested because of his affiliation with the Communist party. He was incarcerated until March 20, 1942. No charges were laid, no bail was set and there was no trial. After his release, Sullivan was elected second vice-president of the Trades and Labour Congress of Canada. In 1943, Percy Bengough was elected as president and Sullivan was elected as secretary treasurer of the TLC while maintaining his role as president of the CSU. On March 14, 1947 Sullivan made a shocking announcement that he was resigning from the CSU and the Labor-Progressive Party. He claimed that the CSU was under the full control of the Communists. Within a month of this announcement, he emerged as the president of the Canadian Lake Seamen’s Union. Ship-owners never really reconciled themselves to having their industry unionized, and in 1946 there was a seamen’s strike in which the union won the eight-hour day. In 1949, the shipping companies had a plan to get rid of the union and were negotiating behind their back with the Seafarers International Union (SIU). In a brutal confrontation, led by Hal Banks, an American ex-convict, the SIU was able to roust the CSU and take over the bargaining rights of Canadian seamen. On July 15, 1948, Robert Lindsay, who was Sullivan’s Welland business agent said that to the best of his knowledge, Sullivan’s outfit, the CLSU, was under the control of some of the Steamship Companies. Lindsay had heard that there was a movement to get rid of Bengough of the Trades and Labour Congress as well as elements of the CSU. He also had heard that the CLSU wanted to affiliate with the American Federation of Labor. Lindsay’s allegations raised the questions: Were the ship-owners powerful enough to oust Percy Bengough because he supported the seamen? Could the CLSU get an affiliation with the American Federation of Labor? and Would the American Federation of Labor actually affiliate with a union that was siding with employers against a locked-out union?

Political pamphlets

A collection of miscellaneous pamphlets on politics.

For peace and freedom.

On cover: Report of the Executive Council of the A.F. of L. on the international situation and the report of the Committee on International Labor Relations to the 72nd annual Convention, American Federation of Labor, September 21-25, 1953.

Eight-hour series

Mode of access: Internet.

[Pamphlets]

no.1 The Railroad question. 1919?--no.2 Labor and reconstruction. 1919?--no.3 Education. 1919?--no.4 Buffer employment, land, housing. 1919?--no.5 New marketing systems, the farmer and reconstruction. 1919?--no.6 International. 1919?--no.7 Popular government. 1919?--no.8 Kent, William. Democracy and efficiency. 1913.--no.9 King, Judson. The state-wide initiative and referendum. 1917.--no.10 Vrooman, C.S. Initiative and referendum in Switzerland. 1913.--no.11 Haynes, J.R. Direct government in California. 1917.--no.12 Lewis, W.D. Recall of judicial decisions in state constitutional question.--no.13 American federation of labor. Executive council. Initiative, referendum and recall. [1913?]--no. 14 Thieme, T.F. A new state constitution for Indiana. 1914?--no.15 Montague, R.W. The Oregon system at work. 1914?--no. 16 Committee to inquire into the status of democracy. [1910?]--no. 17 National popular government league, Washington, D.C. The first year and a look ahead. 1915?--no. 18 Committee to inquire into the status of democracy. The confusion of property with privilege. [1910]--no. 19 United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on privileges and elections. Publicity and control of campaign contributions and disbursements. [1917]--no. 20 Bettman, Alfred and Hale, Swinburne. Do we need more sedition laws? [1902]--no. 21 Johnson, L.J. The preferential ballot as a substitute for the direct primary. 1915.