921 resultados para Agricultural wage earners


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Mode of access: Internet.

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Few researchers have examined the nature and determinants of earnings differentials among religious groups, and none has been undertaken in the context of conflict-prone multi-religious societies like the one in India. We address this lacuna in the literature by examining the differences in the average log earnings of Hindu and Muslim wage earners in India, during the 1987–2005 period. Our results indicate that education differences between Hindu and Muslim wage earners, especially differences in the proportion of wage earners with tertiary education, are largely responsible for the differences in the average log earnings of the two religious groups across the years. By contrast, differences in the returns to education do not explain the aforementioned difference in average log earnings. In conclusion, we discuss some policy implications.

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This paper is one of the first comprehensive attempts to compare earnings in urban China and India over the recent period. While both economies have grown considerably, we illustrate significant cross-country differences in wage growth since the late 1980s. For this purpose, we make use of comparable datasets, estimate Mincer equations and perform Oaxaca–Blinder decompositions at the mean and at different points of the wage distribution. The initial wage differential in favor of Indian workers, observed in the middle and upper part of the distribution, partly disappears over time. While the 1980s Indian premium is mainly due to higher returns to education and experience, a combination of price and endowment effects explains why Chinese wages have caught up, especially since the mid-1990s. The price effect is only partly explained by the observed convergence in returns to education; the endowment effect is driven by faster increase in education levels in China and significantly accentuates the reversal of the wage gap in favor of this country for the first half of the wage distribution.

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Históricamente la captación estadística del empleo agropecuario (y más específicamente del empleo asalariado agropecuario) ha presentado una serie de problemas y limitaciones para las fuentes de datos tradicionales. Los elevados niveles de transitoriedad, estacionalidad, no registro e informalidad han tenido como consecuencia una serie de dificultades en su cuantificación por medio de las fuentes censales y muestrales tradicionales. Los procesos más recientes que atraviesan a esta fracción social (urbanización, acortamiento de ciclos productivos y ocupacionales, disminución de requerimientos de fuerza de trabajo por la mecanización de ciertas cosechas, etc.) parecen haber incrementado dichas dificultades. Trabajos previos realizados demuestran que los censos de población y agropecuarios arrojan diferentes resultados en la cuantificación de los asalariados del sector. Se presenta en este documento un análisis comparado de los resultados obtenidos en Argentina, por el Censo Nacional de Población y Vivienda de 2001 y el Censo Nacional Agropecuario de 2002. El objetivo buscado es realizar una aproximación a las diferentes cifras de asalariados en el agro que arrojan ambos relevamientos en todos los departamentos del país. A su vez, se intentará vincular dichas diferencias con los distintos territorios y distintas estructuras sociales y agrarias, buscando descubrir si permiten aportar a la explicación de aquellos resultados divergentes. Para ello se confeccionó una base de datos del total del país, desagregada a nivel provincial y departamental (máximo nivel de desagregación permitida por las fuentes publicadas) de la cantidad total de asalariados agropecuarios y diversos indicadores de la estructura social y agraria (cantidad de explotaciones pobres, niveles de urbanización, distribución de la tierra, etc.).

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Históricamente la captación estadística del empleo agropecuario (y más específicamente del empleo asalariado agropecuario) ha presentado una serie de problemas y limitaciones para las fuentes de datos tradicionales. Los elevados niveles de transitoriedad, estacionalidad, no registro e informalidad han tenido como consecuencia una serie de dificultades en su cuantificación por medio de las fuentes censales y muestrales tradicionales. Los procesos más recientes que atraviesan a esta fracción social (urbanización, acortamiento de ciclos productivos y ocupacionales, disminución de requerimientos de fuerza de trabajo por la mecanización de ciertas cosechas, etc.) parecen haber incrementado dichas dificultades. Trabajos previos realizados demuestran que los censos de población y agropecuarios arrojan diferentes resultados en la cuantificación de los asalariados del sector. Se presenta en este documento un análisis comparado de los resultados obtenidos en Argentina, por el Censo Nacional de Población y Vivienda de 2001 y el Censo Nacional Agropecuario de 2002. El objetivo buscado es realizar una aproximación a las diferentes cifras de asalariados en el agro que arrojan ambos relevamientos en todos los departamentos del país. A su vez, se intentará vincular dichas diferencias con los distintos territorios y distintas estructuras sociales y agrarias, buscando descubrir si permiten aportar a la explicación de aquellos resultados divergentes. Para ello se confeccionó una base de datos del total del país, desagregada a nivel provincial y departamental (máximo nivel de desagregación permitida por las fuentes publicadas) de la cantidad total de asalariados agropecuarios y diversos indicadores de la estructura social y agraria (cantidad de explotaciones pobres, niveles de urbanización, distribución de la tierra, etc.).

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Históricamente la captación estadística del empleo agropecuario (y más específicamente del empleo asalariado agropecuario) ha presentado una serie de problemas y limitaciones para las fuentes de datos tradicionales. Los elevados niveles de transitoriedad, estacionalidad, no registro e informalidad han tenido como consecuencia una serie de dificultades en su cuantificación por medio de las fuentes censales y muestrales tradicionales. Los procesos más recientes que atraviesan a esta fracción social (urbanización, acortamiento de ciclos productivos y ocupacionales, disminución de requerimientos de fuerza de trabajo por la mecanización de ciertas cosechas, etc.) parecen haber incrementado dichas dificultades. Trabajos previos realizados demuestran que los censos de población y agropecuarios arrojan diferentes resultados en la cuantificación de los asalariados del sector. Se presenta en este documento un análisis comparado de los resultados obtenidos en Argentina, por el Censo Nacional de Población y Vivienda de 2001 y el Censo Nacional Agropecuario de 2002. El objetivo buscado es realizar una aproximación a las diferentes cifras de asalariados en el agro que arrojan ambos relevamientos en todos los departamentos del país. A su vez, se intentará vincular dichas diferencias con los distintos territorios y distintas estructuras sociales y agrarias, buscando descubrir si permiten aportar a la explicación de aquellos resultados divergentes. Para ello se confeccionó una base de datos del total del país, desagregada a nivel provincial y departamental (máximo nivel de desagregación permitida por las fuentes publicadas) de la cantidad total de asalariados agropecuarios y diversos indicadores de la estructura social y agraria (cantidad de explotaciones pobres, niveles de urbanización, distribución de la tierra, etc.).

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This paper recovers the distribution of wages for Mexican-born workers living in the U.S. if no return migration of Mexican-born workers occurred. Because migrants self-select in the decision to return, the overarching problem addressed by this study is the use of an estimator that also accounts for selection on unobservables. I find that Mexican returnees are middle- to high-wage earners at all levels of educational attainment. Taking into account self-selection in return migration, wages would be approximately 7.7% higher at the median and 4.5% higher at the mean. Owing to positive self-selection, the immigrant-native wage gap would, therefore, partially close if there was no return migration.

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Knowledge-sharing in a teamwork The study examines the link between knowledge-sharing that takes place in a team and the dimensions and objectives of the team s activities. The question the study poses is: How does knowledge-sharing in a team relate to the team s activities? The exchange of knowledge is examined using knowledge-sharing networks and the conversion model, which describes the process of knowledge formation. The answer to the question is sought through four empirical articles describing the activities of a team from the viewpoint of quality, fairness, power related to knowledge management, and performance. One of the articles used in the study describes the role of networks in work life more generally. It attempts to shed light on the manner in which team-related networks operate as part of a more extensive structure of organizational networks. Finland is one of the most eager users of teamwork, if numbers are used as a yardstick. About half of all Finnish wage earners worked in teams in 2009, and comparisons show that the use of teams in Finland is above the EU average. This study focuses on so-called semi-autonomous teams, which carry out permanent work tasks. In such teams, tasks are interdependent, and teams are jointly responsible for ensuring that the work is done. Team members may also, at least to some extent, agree between themselves on how the tasks are carried out and are able to take part in the decision-making process. Such teamwork makes knowledge-sharing an important element for the team s activities. Knowledge and knowledge-sharing have become a major resource, allowing organizations to operate and even compete in today s increasingly competitive markets. A single team or a single organization cannot, however, possess all the knowledge required for carrying out the tasks assigned to it. Although it is difficult to copy the knowledge generated in an organization, it is important to share the knowledge within and between organizations. External links supply teams and organizations with important knowledge that allows them to keep their operations up-to-date and their structures well-functioning. In fact, knowledge provides teams and organizations with an intangible resource that improves their capacity to interact with their environment and to adjust to it. For this reason, it is important to examine both the internal and external knowledge-sharing taking place in a team. The findings of the study show that in terms of quality, fairness, performance and the knowledge management issues concerning a team, its social network structure is both internally and externally connected with its activities. A team structure that is internally coherent and at the same time open to external contacts, is, with certain restrictions, connected with the quality, fairness, and performance of the team. The restrictions concern differences between procedural and interactional justice, public and private sectors, and the team leaders and ordinary team members. The role of the team leader is closely connected with the management of networks that are considered valuable. The results of the study indicate that teamwork is supervisor-dominated. Thus, teamwork does not substantially strengthen the influence of individual employees as players in knowledge-transfer networks. However, ordinary team members possess important peer contacts inside the organization. Teamwork clearly allows employees to interact in a democratic manner, and here the transfer of tacit knowledge plays an important role. Keywords: teamwork, knowledge-sharing, social networks, organization

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Tiivistelmä English summary: Work orientations of young wage earners in Finland : a study of individual background factors increasing work centrality of 18-29-year-old Finnish wage earners

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Notebook entitled Wages (soft cover) – The book has mould spots on the pages. This does not affect the text. Names of wage earners include: Julia Park, Nancy McCoy, Nellie McCormick and Alice. Wages were paid by H.K. Woodruff, 1880.

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This paper addresses how and why domestic workers in Jamaica are disenfranchised, with particular emphasis on the law’s inability to combat their exploitation in the labour force. My starting point is an online newspaper article entitled “Coping as a Domestic Helper”, which was based on a study investigating the living standard and coping strategies of minimum wage earners. In Jamaica domestic workers fall into three main categories - the residential worker, the non-residential weekly worker and the daily worker. Domestic workers are undervalued and their plight is especially grievous because they are characterized by a number of features that combine to have an exponentially negative effect on their social worth.