985 resultados para Agrarian actors
Resumo:
The relation between agricultural development and rural poverty reduction in six Central Eurasian countries, namely Azerbaijan (South Caucasus) and Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan (Central Asia), is discussed by presenting and analyzing ten propositions. These propositions cover a broad range of issues that relate to rural poverty in this region, such as: the state of income and non-income poverty; the diverse processes of land reform and farm restructuring, and agricultural policy reform; and finally, the institutional and market framework that is needed for dynamic agricultural and rural development. The paper contends that rural poverty is not responding as robustly to rapid economic growth in these countries, and that agricultural growth, in particular in the newly emerging peasant farm sector, is necessary to promote rural poverty reduction.
Resumo:
El consumo desmesurado de energía por parte de los países del Norte lleva a la creación de una deuda ecológica en los países del Sur. Ésta se debe, entre otros factores, al modelo agrario introducido con la “Nueva Revolución Verde”. En Argentina los monocultivos de sojaRR están potenciando la pérdida de la soberanía alimentaria en todo el país. Al mismo tiempo, las políticas energéticas europeas van a provocar una subida en la demanda de materias primas para la producción de biocombustible, lo que llevará a un aumento de la superficie de sojaRR en Argentina. El objetivo de este estudio es la creación de alternativas productivas mediante la implicación de la población de un municipio argentino. A través de la metodología de análisis social “CLIP” se han identificado los diferentes actores implicados en el modelo agrario que a lo largo del trabajo plantean propuestas de cambio para el sector agropecuario de su municipio. El resultado ha sido el planteamiento de cuatro grandes alternativas: la agricultura orgánica, la rotación de actividades, las producciones avícolas y apícolas y la diversificación de cultivos energéticos. Viendo que la tipología de consumo del Norte afecta directamente en la vida de los países del Sur, en todas las alternativas propuestas en este caso de estudio, se acaba por apostar por la creación de redes productivas y comerciales locales que potencien los beneficios en los países productores sin abandonar las posibilidades del mercado internacional.
Resumo:
El desplaçament de poblacions a causa de conflictes violents s’ha convertit en una de les principals preocupacions humanitàries de les últimes dècades. També s’ha convertit en un assumpte polític de gran rellevància, que és percebut com un llast (en termes econòmics i de seguretat), però també com a peça important en la transició cap a un intervencionisme més gran en el sistema internacional, tant des d’una base humanitària com de seguretat. La importància d’aquests aspectes ha desviat l’atenció de l’anàlisi de les interaccions entre els processos de desplaçament i els conflictes violents que els provoquen. La literatura sobre els conflictes violents ha obviat aquestes interaccions, degut principalment a que els processos de desplaçament són considerats com meres reaccions definides per condicions estructurals. Aquest article parteix de la premissa que l’individu reté la seva capacitat decisiva en aquests processos i que es tracta d’una capacitat que té conseqüències. Per tant, és necessari introduir en l’anàlisi una perspectiva a nivell micro. Partint d’aquesta premissa, el text presenta un model de la decisió de retorn a nivell individual i també a nivell agregat. A més, permet identificar interconnexions fonamentals d’aquestes dinàmiques amb els conflictes violents. Finalment, l’article ofereix algunes conclusions rellevants per al cas de Bòsnia-Herzegovina i sobre les implicacions de la politització del retorn.
Resumo:
Populations displaced as a result of mass violent conflict have become one of the most pressing humanitarian concerns of the last decades. They have also become one salient political issue as a perceived burden (in economic and security terms) and as an important piece in the shift towards a more interventionist paradigm in the international system, based on both humanitarian and security grounds. The saliency of these aspects has detracted attention from the analysis of the interactions between relocation processes and violent conflict. Violent conflict studies have also largely ignored those interactions as a result of the consideration of these processes as mere reaction movements determined by structural conditions. This article takes the view that individual’s agency is retained during such processes, and that it is consequential, calling for the need to introduce a micro perspective. Based on this, a model for the individual’s decision of return is presented. The model has the potential to account for the dynamics of return at both the individual and the aggregate level. And it further helps to grasp fundamental interconnections with violent conflict. Some relevant conclusions are derived for the case of Bosnia-Herzegovina and about the implications of the politicization of return.
Resumo:
This research aims toward a better understanding of the organizational culture(s) of the judiciary in Switzerland by analysing what 'good justice' means nowadays in this country. It seeks to clarify whether, and to what extent, expectations of 'good justice' of judicial actors (judges without managerial experience) and of managerial actors (court managers) are similar and to describe possible managerial implications that may result from this. As judges are at the heart of the judicial organization and exert a strong influence on other groups of actors (Sullivan, Warren et al. 1994), the congruence of their expectations with those of court managers will be at the centre of the analysis. Additionally, referring to the conceptual worlds of Boltanski and Thévenaut (1991), we analyze how closely these expectations are to management-oriented values. We found that almost half of expectations are common to the two groups examined and the main quoted ones are compatible to new public management (NPM) concepts. On the other hand, those expectations shared exclusively by judges relate to the human side of justice, whereas those specific to court managers focus on the way justice functions.
Resumo:
Segons la nostra hipòtesi, la viabilitat de l’Euroregió Pirineus Mediterrània (EPM) dependrà sobretot de la seva capacitat de mobilitzar, d’implicar i de connectar els actors públics i privats dels diferents nivells territorials als quals s’adreça aquesta iniciativa. Per tant, el grau de coneixement i el posicionament dels diferents actors respecte al projecte resulten essencials a l’hora de definir una estratègia de cooperació d’aquestes característiques. L’objectiu d’aquest document és explicar els resultats de l’enquesta duta a terme amb un miler d’actors públics i privats de l’EPM. Aquesta tenia per objectiu obtenir dades relatives a aspectes clau del context en el que s’insereix el projecte, així com informació rellevant per definir estratègies d’actuació que poden ajudar a desenvolupar les capacitats organitzatives i comunicatives necessàries per gestionar una organització complexa com aquesta. L’estudi empíric es va estructurar al voltant de tres línies d’anàlisi: 1r) el present de l’Euroregió; 2n) El posicionament respecte l’EPM i 3r) El futur de l’EPM
Resumo:
This article discusses the construction of tri-sector partnerships in three projects conducted in Brazil in different fields of intervention of public policy (access to water, basic education and performance of boards of rights of children and adolescents). Collaborative articulations involving the players from three sectors (the State, civil society and the market) are practices that are little studied in the Brazilian and even in the international context, as tri-sector partnerships are rare, despite the proliferation of lines of discourse in support of alliances between governments and civil society or between companies and NGOs in the management of public policy. As a research strategy, this study resorted to cooperative inquiry, a method that involves breaking down the boundaries between the subjects and the objects of the analysis. Besides working toward a better understanding of the challenges of building tri-sector partnerships in the Brazilian context, the article also tries to show the relevance to public policy studies of investigative methods based on the subjects studied, as a means of developing an understanding of the practices, lines of discourse and dilemmas linked to social action in social programs.
Resumo:
Today, Temporary Labour Migration is a fundamental course of action promoted by relevant economic and political agents, such as EC, the GCIM, or the OECD. Based on a specific empirical case study of Temporary and Circular Labour Migration in the Catalonian agrarian sector, which has been distinguished as a particularly successful formula, we identify a new area of interest: the emergence of a new empirical migrant category, the Circular Labour Migrant, which remains theoretically unnamed and lacks public recognition. We argue that, until now, there have been two historical phases regarding temporary labour migration: one of total deregulation and another of partial regulation, led by private actors with support from public institutions, and featuring circularity. IN a developed Welfare State context, it would be normatively pertinent to except a step towards a third phase, one involving the institutionalization of this new mobility category through the elaboration of a public policy.
Resumo:
This article presents a formal model of policy decision-making in an institutional framework of separation of powers in which the main actors are pivotal political parties with voting discipline. The basic model previously developed from pivotal politics theory for the analysis of the United States lawmaking is here modified to account for policy outcomes and institutional performances in other presidential regimes, especially in Latin America. Legislators' party indiscipline at voting and multi-partism appear as favorable conditions to reduce the size of the equilibrium set containing collectively inefficient outcomes, while a two-party system with strong party discipline is most prone to produce 'gridlock', that is, stability of socially inefficient policies. The article provides a framework for analysis which can induce significant revisions of empirical data, especially regarding the effects of situations of (newly defined) unified and divided government, different decision rules, the number of parties and their discipline. These implications should be testable and may inspire future analytical and empirical work.
Resumo:
Many definitions and debates exist about the core characteristics of social and solidarity economy (SSE) and its actors. Among others, legal forms, profit, geographical scope, and size as criteria for identifying SSE actors often reveal dissents among SSE scholars. Instead of using a dichotomous, either-in-or-out definition of SSE actors, this paper presents an assessment tool that takes into account multiple dimensions to offer a more comprehensive and nuanced view of the field. We first define the core dimensions of the assessment tool by synthesizing the multiple indicators found in the literature. We then empirically test these dimensions and their interrelatedness and seek to identify potential clusters of actors. Finally we discuss the practical implications of our model.