Jugement rendu par la Haute-Cour de justice, le premier pluviôse l'an V, au nom du peuple français... ([Reprod.]) / [signé : J. B. Jalbert, greffier]

Collection : Les archives de la Révolution française ; 6.2.1769

An Inquiry into the use of illegal electoral practices and effects of political violence

This article investigates whether vote-buying and the instigation of violence in the disputed 2007 Kenyan elections were strategically motivated, and whether those affected by electoral violence changed their views towards ethno-politics and the use of violence. To answer these questions, a panel survey conducted before and after the elections is combined with external indicators of electoral violence. We find that political parties targeted vote-buying towards specific groups to weaken the support of their political rivals and to mobilize their own supporters. Furthermore, parties instigated violence strategically in areas where they were less likely to win. Although the victims of violence would prefer that parties are no longer allowed to organize in ethnic or religious lines, they are more likely to identify in ethnic terms, support the use of violence and avoid relying on the police to resolve disputes. The overall findings suggest an increased risk of electoral-violence reoccurring.

Violence and displacement. Evidence from the Spanish civil war (1936-1939)

This paper explores the relationship between violence and displacement during civil war focusing on two different forms of population movements (i.e. incoming and outgoing), and two different forms of violence (i.e. direct and indirect). The paper explores the relationship between displacement and violence at the local level in the context of a civil war fought conventionally using fine-grained data from 1,062 municipalities of the region of Catalonia during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). First, the paper suggests that exogenous and endogenous to the war factors combine to generate patterns of resettlement. Second, the evidence indicates that, in acivil war context, refugee flows and violence are interrelated in multiple ways: the arrival of internal refugees in a locality promotes the perpetration of direct violence against civilians; this, in turn, triggers the departure of people from the locality when the other group approaches. Third, indirect violence (i.e. bombings) shows to be the most significant factor accounting for external displacement at the local level, suggesting that bombing can serve as a strong signal for civilians of the type of armed group they are facing. Finally, the Spanish case suggests that the demographic changes provoked by displacement, combined with the lethality of the conflict, are likely to have long-term political consequences.

Perturbation expansions of multilocus fixation probabilities for frequency-dependent selection with applications to the Hill-Robertson effect and to the joint evolution of helping and punishment.

Natural populations are of finite size and organisms carry multilocus genotypes. There are, nevertheless, few results on multilocus models when both random genetic drift and natural selection affect the evolutionary dynamics. In this paper we describe a formalism to calculate systematic perturbation expansions of moments of allelic states around neutrality in populations of constant size. This allows us to evaluate multilocus fixation probabilities (long-term limits of the moments) under arbitrary strength of selection and gene action. We show that such fixation probabilities can be expressed in terms of selection coefficients weighted by mean first passages times of ancestral gene lineages within a single ancestor. These passage times extend the coalescence times that weight selection coefficients in one-locus perturbation formulas for fixation probabilities. We then apply these results to investigate the Hill-Robertson effect and the coevolution of helping and punishment. Finally, we discuss limitations and strengths of the perturbation approach. In particular, it provides accurate approximations for fixation probabilities for weak selection regimes only (Ns < or = 1), but it provides generally good prediction for the direction of selection under frequency-dependent selection.

Montdidier, palais de justice et prison [dégâts dus à la guerre] : [photographie de presse] / [Agence Rol]

Référence bibliographique : Rol, 55476

Enjeux éthiques des nouvelles technologies de la reproduction : une conception de la justice à l'interface de l'éthique du "care" et de l'approche des "capabilités"

L'émergence des nouvelles technologies de la reproduction (NTR) est allée de pair avec un certain nombre de discours. Un discours promettant d'une part une extension de la palette de choix reproductifs des individus, une extension de leur liberté et de leur autonomie reproductives, dont la forme la plus extrême peut se traduire par la formule : un enfant quand je veux et comme je veux. D'autre part, un discours annonçant une série de « catastrophes » à venir, telles que l'effondrement de l'institution de la famille et la modification de l'espèce humaine. En d'autres termes, une tension entre promesses et catastrophes qui place les sociétés contemporaines face à de nombreux défis sociaux, politiques et éthiques, notamment quant à la question de la régulation de la PMA (procréation médicalement assistée) : qui peut y avoir accès ? Quelles techniques doit-on autoriser ? Ou au contraire limiter ? Tant de questions auxquelles aucune réponse simple et évidente n'existe. La diversité des réponses législatives quant à ces questions illustre cette complexité. L'éthique peut, ici, jouer un rôle fondamental. Sans toutefois prétendre donner des réponses toutes faites et facilement applicables, elle offre un espace de réflexion, le privilège de prendre une certaine distance face à des enjeux contemporains. C'est dans cette perspective que nous avons ancré ce travail de recherche en questionnant les enjeux éthiques de la PMA à partir d'une perspective de justice. Toutefois, au sein des études en bioéthique, majoritairement issues de la tradition libérale, la tension énoncée précédemment mène la bioéthique à justifier un certain nombre d'inégalités plutôt que de veiller à les dépasser. Ainsi, une évaluation de la pratique de la PMA à partir d'une perspective de la justice, exige, au préalable, une réévaluation du concept même de justice. Ce faisant, par une articulation entre l'éthique du care de Joan Tronto et l'approche des capabilités de Martha Nussbaum qui placent la vulnérabilité au coeur de la personne, nous avons proposé une conception de la justice fondée sur une anthropologie de la vulnérabilité. Cette conception nous permet d'identifier, dans le cadre de la pratique de la PMA en Suisse et en partant de la loi sur la procréation assistée (LPMA), les constructions normatives qui mènent à la non-reconnaissance et, ce faisant, à la mise à l'écart, de certaines formes de vulnérabilité : une vulnérabilité générique et une vulnérabilité socio-économique. Traitant la question de la vulnérabilité générique principalement, nos analyses ont une incidence sur les conceptions de la famille, du bien de l'enfant, de la femme et de la nature, telles qu'elles sont actuellement véhiculées par une conception naturalisée de la PMA. Répondre aux vulnérabilités identifiées, en veillant à leur donner une place, signifie alors déplacer ces conceptions naturalisées, afin que les vulnérabilités soient intégrées aux pratiques sociales et que les exigences de justice soient ainsi remplies. - The emergence of assisted reproductive technologies (ART) came along with several discourses. On the one hand a discourse promising an extension of the individuals' reproductive choices, their procreative liberty and autonomy. On the other hand a discourse announced a series of disasters to come such as the collapse of the family institution and the modification of human kind. In other words, a growing tension appears between promises and disasters and contemporary societies are facing inevitable social, political and ethical challenges, in particular with regard to the issue of ART regulation: who has access? What procedures should be authorized? Which ones should be limited? These complex questions have no simple or obvious answers. The variety of legislative responses to these questions highlights complexity. Ethics can play a fundamental role, and without claiming to give simple answers, also offer a space for reflection as well as the privilege to distance itself with regard to contemporary issues. It is in this perspective that this study questions the ethical considerations of ART in a perspective of justice. However, in previous studies in bioethics mainly following a liberal tradition, previously mentioned tension has lead bioethics to justify some inequalities instead of trying to overcome them. As a consequence, evaluating practices of ART from a perspective of justice requires to first reevaluate the concept of justice itself. In doing so we offer a conception of justice founded on the anthropology of vulnerability. This conception draws on an articulation of the ethic of care of Joan Tronto and the capability approach of Martha Nussbaum, which places vulnerability at the center of the person. This conception allows us to identify, within the framework of ARTS in Switzerland and starting with the laws of medically assisted procreation (LPMA), some normative constructions. These constructions lead to the non-recognition and the disregard of some forms of vulnerability: a generic vulnerability as well as socio-economic counterpart. Focusing mainly on the issue of generic vulnerability, our analysis has implications for the conceptions of family, the best interests of the child, woman, and nature in the way they are defined in a naturalized conception of ART. Responding to such failures by taking into account these vulnerabilities thus means to move these conceptions in order for vulnerabilities to be integrated in social practices and requirements for justice to be fulfilled.

The Cooperation on Justice and Home Affairs and the Enlargement of the European Union

This working – paper will be focused on three key issues: • How will affect the enlargement to the Justice and Home Affairs Cooperation. Especially, the absortion of Schenguen Agreements and the overall JHA by the candidate countries. • The enlargement impact over the European Immigraton Policy and the specific policies carried out by the EU Member States. The main question is the free movement of persons safeguard, in order to protect external borders of European Union. • An analysis of September, 11 attacks against U.S.A might be necessary to understand the future changes on JHA policy.

La mediació penal en l’àmbit del menor i la seva incidència a Catalunya

La mediació en l‘àmbit penal del menor és un mitjà innovador de resolució de conflictes, que s’ha de promoure per les seves innegables avantatges envers el model de punició tradicional. Permet que tots el agents afectats puguin intervenir i apropa la justícia a la societat, tot donant un paper fonamental a la víctima i afavorint-hi les possibilitats resocialitzadores i educatives del menor infractor. L’objectiu principal ha de ser facilitar al menor, que tot just comença la seva carrera criminal, les eines necessàries per evitar-ne l’evolució com a adult delinqüent, amb el consegüent benefici per a tota la societat. Igualment, la víctima, gran oblidada del procés penal, adquireix un nou protagonisme per decidir l‘abast de la seva reparació i, alhora, la societat reforça els mecanismes per obtenir la pau social. Aquestes finalitats tan loables mereixen l’esforç de les institucions per invertir en mitjans personals i materials que garanteixin l’eficàcia i la viabilitat dels programes de mediació i reparació. L’experiència a Catalunya, comunitat pionera en aquest àmbit, ve avalada per uns resultats excel·lents en el camp de la jurisdicció dels menors, segons reconeixen els mateixos protagonistes. Els resultats favorables de la mediació en l’àmbit del menor han permès, fins i tot, iniciar la primera experiència a l’Estat pel que fa a la mediació en la justícia penal d’adults. S’obren, doncs, noves possibilitats dins la filosofia del dret penal que ens permetran assolir en el futur solucions innovadores, proposades per les persones directament afectades. Aquest ha estat l’objectiu del nostre estudi, tot mirant d’aprofundir els avantatges de la mediació envers al sistema punitiu tradicional i els resultats de la seva implantació a Catalunya, així com cercar solucions que alleugeressin la sempre sobrecarregada Administració de justícia.

Human cooperation based on punishment reputation.

The threat of punishment usually promotes cooperation. However, punishing itself is costly, rare in nonhuman animals, and humans who punish often finish with low payoffs in economic experiments. The evolution of punishment has therefore been unclear. Recent theoretical developments suggest that punishment has evolved in the context of reputation games. We tested this idea in a simple helping game with observers and with punishment and punishment reputation (experimentally controlling for other possible reputational effects). We show that punishers fully compensate their costs as they receive help more often. The more likely defection is punished within a group, the higher the level of within-group cooperation. These beneficial effects perish if the punishment reputation is removed. We conclude that reputation is key to the evolution of punishment.

Peacetime Violence in El Salvador and Honduras: A tale of two countries

The end of the Cold War did not bring about an end to violence in Central America. Today, so-called non-political violence continues to worsen. Academics and public policymakers are frequently influenced by the assumption that there is a causal relationship between the political violence of the 1980s and the non-political violence of today. By looking at the cases of El Salvador and Honduras, this working paper seeks to systematize existing claims about the causal relationship between past and present violence into two approaches. Our research shows that high levels of prolonged political violence, along with an abundance of firearms, can lead to high levels of prolonged non-political violence but not in the ways most often cited in existing literature. We propose a new model to better understand the connection between past and present violence and recommend indicators that can be used to measure variations in violence over time in contexts of protracted non-political violence.