Exploring the role of reanalysis data in simulating regional wind generation variability over Northern Ireland

As wind generation increases, system impact studies rely on predictions of future generation and effective representation of wind variability. A well-established approach to investigate the impact of wind variability is to simulate generation using observations from 10 m meteorological mast-data. However, there are problems with relying purely on historical wind-speed records or generation histories: mast-data is often incomplete, not sited at a relevant wind generation sites, and recorded at the wrong altitude above ground (usually 10 m), each of which may distort the generation profile. A possible complimentary approach is to use reanalysis data, where data assimilation techniques are combined with state-of-the-art weather forecast models to produce complete gridded wind time-series over an area. Previous investigations of reanalysis datasets have placed an emphasis on comparing reanalysis to meteorological site records whereas this paper compares wind generation simulated using reanalysis data directly against historic wind generation records. Importantly, this comparison is conducted using raw reanalysis data (typical resolution ∼50 km), without relying on a computationally expensive “dynamical downscaling” for a particular target region. Although the raw reanalysis data cannot, by nature of its construction, represent the site-specific effects of sub-gridscale topography, it is nevertheless shown to be comparable to or better than the mast-based simulation in the region considered and it is therefore argued that raw reanalysis data may offer a number of significant advantages as a data source.

Reform of the planning system in Northern Ireland: your chance to influence change

Consultation on the Reform of the Planning System in Northern Ireland commenced on 6 July 2009 with the publication of the long awaited proposals paper: 'Reform of the Planning System in Northern Ireland: Your chance to influence change'. A 12 week consultation period followed during which time a series of consultation roadshow events were undertaken. This report is an account of that strand of the reform consultation and the discussions that took place at the roadshows during a three week period in September 2009. The roadshow events formed the central part in a process of encouraging engagement and response to the Reform Proposals before the closing date of 2 October 2009. They were organised and facilitated by a team of event managers and independent planners who, together with key Planning Service personnel, attended a mixture of day and evening events in each of the new eleven council areas to hear the views and opinions of those who came along. Aside from being publicly advertised, over 1,500 invitations (written and e-invites) were issued to a wide range of sectors, including the business community,environmentalists, councils, community and voluntary groups and other organisations, and 1,000 fliers were issued to libraries, leisure centres, council offices and civic centres. In total almost 500 people took up the invitation and came along to one or more of the events.

The Long Game: Hamas, The IRA, and the Politics of Radicalization in Palestine and Northern Ireland

The value of a comparative study of the two conflicts stems from a remarkable similarity in the structural organization of political violence by its most influential practitioners: the IRA and Hamas. At the core, I have merely tried my best to approach a beguiling question in a fresh, dynamic way. The stultifying discourse of conflict that serves as lingua franca for the Israeli‐Palestinian issue has largely reduced strategic debate to how best the conflict can be managed – not ended. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s focus on “economic peace” and unwillingness to commit to a two‐state solution – the consensus that has governed peacemaking for decades – belies such thinking. The Clinton Administration’s cadre of Mideast negotiators operated amidst the most rapid institutionalization of Palestinian democracy in history ‐ yet remained obsessed with Israeli‐Arab “confidence‐building” measures, doing little to legitimize the gains of Oslo. So long as Palestinians continue to view the creation of Israel as “al‐Nakba” – the catastrophe – whilst successive Israeli governments refuse to grant their aspirations any legitimacy, there can be no progress. Peace requires empathy, a substantial compromise in the context of internecine conflict. The “long war” both conflicts have become mandates an equally expansive, broad‐based and labor‐intensive approach – a demanding process that can only be called The Long Game.

Request of the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland for admission of the Turks and Caicos as an associate member of the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean

Includes bibliography

Request by the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland for admission of the Cayman Islands as an associate member of ECLAC

Includes bibliography

Note by the Secretariat (Request by the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland for admission of Bermuda as an associate member of ECLAC)

Spanish version available

The Effects of Living in Segregated vs. Mixed Areas in Northern Ireland: A Simultaneous Analysis of Contact and Threat Effects in the Context of Micro-Level Neighbourhoods

This study examines the consequences of living in segregated and mixed neighbourhoods on ingroup bias and offensive action tendencies, taking into consideration the role of intergroup experiences and perceived threat. Using adult data from a cross-sectional survey in Belfast, Northern Ireland, we tested a model that examined the relationship between living in segregated (N = 396) and mixed (N = 562) neighbourhoods and positive contact, exposure to violence, perceived threat and outgroup orientations. Our results show that living in mixed neighbourhoods was associated with lower ingroup bias and reduced offensive action tendencies. These effects were partially mediated by positive contact. However, our analysis also shows that respondents living in mixed neighbourhoods report higher exposure to political violence and higher perceived threat to physical safety. These findings demonstrate the importance of examining both social experience and threat perceptions when testing the relationship between social environment and prejudice.