731 resultados para electoral outcomes
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Long-term outcomes after kidney transplantation remain suboptimal, despite the great achievements observed in recent years with the use of modern immunosuppressive drugs. Currently, the calcineurin inhibitors (CNI) cyclosporine and tacrolimus remain the cornerstones of immunosuppressive regimens in many centers worldwide, regardless of their well described side-effects, including nephrotoxicity. In this article, we review recent CNI-minimization strategies in kidney transplantation, while emphasizing on the importance of long-term follow-up and patient monitoring. Finally, accumulating data indicate that low-dose CNI-based regimens would provide an interesting balance between efficacy and toxicity.
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Soluble peptide/MHC-class-I (pMHC) multimers have recently emerged as unique reagents for the study of specific interactions between the pMHC complex and the TCR. Here, we assessed the relative binding efficiency of a panel of multimers incorporating single-alanine-substituted variants of the tumor-antigen-derived peptide MAGE-A10(254-262) to specific CTL clones displaying different functional avidity. For each individual clone, the efficiency of binding of multimers incorporating MAGE-A10 peptide variants was, in most cases, in good although not linear correlation with the avidity of recognition of the corresponding variant. In addition, we observed two types of discrepancies between efficiency of recognition and multimer binding. First, for some peptide variants, efficient multimer binding was detected in the absence of measurable effector functions. Some of these peptide variants displayed antagonist activity. Second, when comparing different clones we found clear discrepancies between the dose of peptide required to obtain half-maximal lysis in CTL assays and the binding efficiency of the corresponding multimers. These discrepancies, however, were resolved when the differential stability of the TCR/pMHC complexes was determined. For individual clones, decreased recognition correlated with increased TCR/pMHC off-rate. TCR/pMHC complexes formed by antagonist ligands displayed off-rates faster than those of TCR/pMHC complexes formed with weak agonists. In addition, when comparing different clones, the efficiency of multimer staining correlated better with relative multimer off-rates than with half-maximal lysis values. Altogether, the data presented here reconcile and extend our previous results on the impact of the kinetics of interaction of TCR with pMHC complexes on multimer binding and underline the crucial role of TCR/pMHC off-rates for the functional outcome of such interactions.
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It is commonly believed that majority voting enhances parties to cluster around the centre of the political space, whereas proportional systems (PR) foster great ideological divergence. The theoretical arguments for these expectations go back to the work of Downs (1957) and Duverger (1954). More recent studies, however, produced quite contradictory empirical findings. In this paper I will test whether similar arguments hold true for the positioning of candidates campaigning in different electoral systems. The elections for the two chambers of the Swiss Parliament and the data from the Swiss Electoral Studies (SELECTS) and the Swiss Voting Advice Application (VAA) smartvote offer an excellent - almost laboratory like - opportunity to do so empirically. The analyses show clearly, the theoretical claims that majority voting necessarily fosters more moderate positions find no support. The candidates for the Council of States, elected in a majority system, are not more moderate than their fellow party candidates for the National Council which are elected in a PR system.
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This article investigates whether vote-buying and the instigation of violence in the disputed 2007 Kenyan elections were strategically motivated, and whether those affected by electoral violence changed their views towards ethno-politics and the use of violence. To answer these questions, a panel survey conducted before and after the elections is combined with external indicators of electoral violence. We find that political parties targeted vote-buying towards specific groups to weaken the support of their political rivals and to mobilize their own supporters. Furthermore, parties instigated violence strategically in areas where they were less likely to win. Although the victims of violence would prefer that parties are no longer allowed to organize in ethnic or religious lines, they are more likely to identify in ethnic terms, support the use of violence and avoid relying on the police to resolve disputes. The overall findings suggest an increased risk of electoral-violence reoccurring.
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Politics must tackle multiple issues at once. In a first-best world, political competition constrains parties to prioritize issues according to the voters' true concerns. In the real world, the opposite also happens: parties manipulate voter priorities by emphasizing issues selectively during the political campaign. This phenomenon, known as priming, should allow parties to pay less attention to the issues that they intend to mute. We develop a model of endogenous issue ownership in which two vote-seeking parties (i) invest to attract voters with "better" policy proposals and (ii) choose a communication campaign to focus voter attention on specific issues. We identify novel feedbacks between communication and investment. In particular, we find that stronger priming effects can backfire by constraining parties to invest more resources in all issues, including the ones they would otherwise intend to mute. We also identify under which conditions parties prefer to focus on their "historical issues" or to engage in issue stealing. Typically, the latter happens when priming effects are strong, and historical reputations differentiates parties less.
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In this paper, we study the determinants of political myopia in a rational model of electoral accountability where the key elements are informational frictions and uncertainty. We build a framework where political ability is ex-ante unknown and policy choices are not perfectly observable. On the one hand, elections improve accountability and allow to keep well-performing incumbents. On the other, politicians invest too little in costly policies with future returns in an attempt to signal high ability and increase their reelection probability. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, uncertainty reduces political myopia and may, under some conditions, increase social welfare. We use the model to study how political rewards can be set so as to maximise social welfare and the desirability of imposing a one-term limit to governments. The predictions of our theory are consistent with a number of stylised facts and with a new empirical observation documented in this paper: aggregate uncertainty, measured by economic volatility, is associated to better ...scal discipline in a panel of 20 OECD countries.
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Background: The CCR5 32-base deletion (CCR5D32), which results into the expression of a non-functioning receptor, has been associated with H CV c learance a nd may influence fibrosis progression i n hepatitis C . We a ssessed t he link between C CR5D32 and c linical outcomes o f HCV. Methods: Genomic D NA was isolated and analyzed b y PCR to i dentify C CR5D32 in 1 303 anti-HCV-positive persons (161 clearers and 1142 chronically infected, 1007 with a liver biopsy). Results: Overall, 200 (15.3%) w ere heterozygote a nd 16 (1.2%) homozygote for CCR5D32. H CV c learance (by univariate) was associated with m ale sex (OR 0.633, 9 5% C I 0.428-0.935, P=0.022), HCV acquisition by blood transfusion (OR 0.360, 95% CI 0.175-0.741, P =0.0056), polymorphisms at IL28B rs12979860 ( OR 0.482, 9 5% C I 0.277-0.839, P =0.0098) a nd rs8099917 ( OR 0.291, 95% CI 0.167-0.508, P=0.000014), but not with CCR5D32. However, CCR5D32 was associated with spontaneous HCV clearance when the 482 females only w ere considered, although the number of homozygotes was small (1/427 chronic vs 3/51 clearers) (OR 24.56, 95% C I 12.5-241.4, P =0.006). T he CCR5D32 deletion was not associated with liver grading and staging scores, fibrosis progression rate, or t herapy response. Conclusions: At v ariance w ith a p revious report (Nattermann et a l, 2011), suggesting that a n on-functional CCR5 m ay hamper H CV clearance, C CR5D32 appeared to b e associated with an increased spontaneous eradication in women (but not men). Given the small number of CCR5D32 homozygote persons, these data need further validation.
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Importa si una guerra civil es combat com un conflicte irregular, convencional o simètric no convencional? En altres paraules, tenen les “tecnologies de la rebel·lió” un impacte sobre la gravetat d’una guerra, la seva durada o el seu resultat? Aquest treball mostra que els conflictes irregulars duren més que els altres tipus de conflicte, mentre els convencionals tendeixen a ser més greus en termes de letalitat al camp de batalla. D’altra banda, els conflictes irregulars tendeixen a ser guanyats pels governs, mentre els altres són més propensos a acabar en empat. Substancialment, aquests resultats ens ajuden a donar sentit a l’evolució de les guerres civils, les quals tendeixen a ser més curtes, més intenses i més difícils per als governs. Teòricament, aquests resultats donen suport a la importància de la tecnologia de rebel·lió a l’estudiar la gravetat, la durada i els resultats de les guerres civils; a més, contribueixen a una millor comprensió de la contribució històrica de la guerra irregular a la construcció de l’Estat i al canvi social.
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Rapport de SynthèseLa thérapie antirétrovirale a progressée de manière significative depuis te début de l'épidémie du syndrome d'immunodéficience acquise (SIDA). Durant les 20 dernières années, plusieurs combinaisons de traitements ont été utilisées avec succès menant à une réduction de la mortalité associée. Par contre, le traitement a aussi engendré des cas de résistances multiples avec comme résultat, le besoin d'utiliser plusieurs molécules en combinaison, et une augmentation des cas de toxicité. Une stratégie souvent employée fût la combinaison de deux molécules inhibitrices de la protéase en même temps en combinaison avec une troisième molécule, le ritonavir. (DBPI).La cohorte Suisse sur le VIH existe depuis 1987 et permet d'étudier de façon longitudinale les patients qui y sont inscrits. Pour ce travail de thèse, nous avons étudié les patients inscrits à la cohorte suisse de 1996 à 2007 qui ont reçu une combinaison DBPI.Pendant la période étudiée, un total de 405 patients ont reçu un traitement DBPI, dont 295 patients ont reçu le DBPI pour plus de 6 mois. La durée médiane du traitement était de 2.2 ans. Sur les 287 patients qui étaient en échec viral au début du traitement (défini comme HIV RNA>400 copies/ml), 64.1% ont réussi à supprimer la virémie et 54.4% ont eu une suppression dans les 24 semaines qui ont suivi le début de la thérapie. Les patients avaient reçu en moyenne 6 combinaisons de traitement différentes avant le début de la thérapie DBPi. Pour les patients qui ont arrêté le traitement DBPI, la cause principale de l'arrêt était due au souhait du patient (48.3%), à l'échec virologique (22.5%) et à la toxicité (15.8%). Les patients ayant reçu le traitement après 1999, ou ayant été traités avec une combinaison de Lopinavir-ritonvir/saquinavir ou lopinavir-ritonavir/atazanavir arrivaient à supprimer leur virémie plus souvent que ceux qui avaient reçu d'autres combinaisons.Cette étude constitue la plus grande étude publiée sur le sujet de l'utilisation des DBPI pour les patients à résistances multiples. Malgré le fait que c'est une étude observationnelle, nous pouvons attester que le taux de succès était de 64.4%, le taux de toxicité était relativement bas (15.8%) et que la plus part des patients ont toléré ces combinaisons, malgré le taux élevé d'effets secondaires souvent rapportés. En somme, cette approche pourrait être envisagée dans des situations ou les nouveaux traitements tels que les inhibiteurs de l'intégrase et du CCR5 ne sont pas encore disponibles.
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BACKGROUND: Treatment strategies for acute basilar artery occlusion (BAO) are based on case series and data that have been extrapolated from stroke intervention trials in other cerebrovascular territories, and information on the efficacy of different treatments in unselected patients with BAO is scarce. We therefore assessed outcomes and differences in treatment response after BAO. METHODS: The Basilar Artery International Cooperation Study (BASICS) is a prospective, observational registry of consecutive patients who presented with an acute symptomatic and radiologically confirmed BAO between November 1, 2002, and October 1, 2007. Stroke severity at time of treatment was dichotomised as severe (coma, locked-in state, or tetraplegia) or mild to moderate (any deficit that was less than severe). Outcome was assessed at 1 month. Poor outcome was defined as a modified Rankin scale score of 4 or 5, or death. Patients were divided into three groups according to the treatment they received: antithrombotic treatment only (AT), which comprised antiplatelet drugs or systemic anticoagulation; primary intravenous thrombolysis (IVT), including subsequent intra-arterial thrombolysis; or intra-arterial therapy (IAT), which comprised thrombolysis, mechanical thrombectomy, stenting, or a combination of these approaches. Risk ratios (RR) for treatment effects were adjusted for age, the severity of neurological deficits at the time of treatment, time to treatment, prodromal minor stroke, location of the occlusion, and diabetes. FINDINGS: 619 patients were entered in the registry. 27 patients were excluded from the analyses because they did not receive AT, IVT, or IAT, and all had a poor outcome. Of the 592 patients who were analysed, 183 were treated with only AT, 121 with IVT, and 288 with IAT. Overall, 402 (68%) of the analysed patients had a poor outcome. No statistically significant superiority was found for any treatment strategy. Compared with outcome after AT, patients with a mild-to-moderate deficit (n=245) had about the same risk of poor outcome after IVT (adjusted RR 0.94, 95% CI 0.60-1.45) or after IAT (adjusted RR 1.29, 0.97-1.72) but had a worse outcome after IAT compared with IVT (adjusted RR 1.49, 1.00-2.23). Compared with AT, patients with a severe deficit (n=347) had a lower risk of poor outcome after IVT (adjusted RR 0.88, 0.76-1.01) or IAT (adjusted RR 0.94, 0.86-1.02), whereas outcomes were similar after treatment with IAT or IVT (adjusted RR 1.06, 0.91-1.22). INTERPRETATION: Most patients in the BASICS registry received IAT. Our results do not support unequivocal superiority of IAT over IVT, and the efficacy of IAT versus IVT in patients with an acute BAO needs to be assessed in a randomised controlled trial. FUNDING: Department of Neurology, University Medical Center Utrecht.
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SUMMARY This paper analyses the outcomes of the EEA and bilateral agreements vote at the level of the 3025 communities of the Swiss Confederation by simultaneously modelling the vote and the participation decisions. Regressions include economic and political factors. The economic variables are the aggregated shares of people employed in the losing, Winning and neutral sectors, according to BRUNETTI, JAGGI and WEDER (1998) classification, Which follows a Ricardo-Viner logic, and the average education levels, which follows a Heckscher-Ohlin approach. The political factors are those used in the recent literature. The results are extremely precise and consistent. Most of the variables have the predicted sign and are significant at the l % level. More than 80 % of the communities' vote variance is explained by the model, substantially reducing the residuals when compared to former studies. The political variables do have the expected signs and are significant as Well. Our results underline the importance of the interaction between electoral choice and participation decisions as well as the importance of simultaneously dealing with those issues. Eventually they reveal the electorate's high level of information and rationality. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Unser Beitrag analysiert in einem Model, welches gleichzeitig die Stimm- ("ja" oder "nein") und Partizipationsentscheidung einbezieht, den Ausgang der Abstimmungen über den Beitritt zum EWR und über die bilateralen Verträge für die 3025 Gemeinden der Schweiz. Die Regressionsgleichungen beinhalten ökonomische und politische Variabeln. Die ökonomischen Variabeln beinhalten die Anteile an sektoriellen Arbeitsplatzen, die, wie in BRUNETTI, JAGGIl.1I1d WEDER (1998), in Gewinner, Verlierer und Neutrale aufgeteilt Wurden, gemäß dem Model von Ricardo-Viner, und das durchschnittliche Ausbildungsniveau, gemäß dem Model von Heckscher-Ohlin. Die politischen Variabeln sind die in der gegenwärtigen Literatur üblichen. Unsere Resultate sind bemerkenswert präzise und kohärent. Die meisten Variabeln haben das von der Theorie vorausgesagte Vorzeichen und sind hoch signifikant (l%). Mehr als 80% der Varianz der Stimmabgabe in den Gemeinden wird durch das Modell erklärt, was, im Vergleich mit früheren Arbeiten, die unerklärten Residuen Wesentlich verkleinert. Die politischen Variabeln haben auch die erwarteten Vorzeichen und sind signifikant. Unsere Resultate unterstreichen die Bedeutung der Interaktion zwischen der Stimm- und der Partizipationsentscheidung, und die Bedeutung diese gleichzeitig zu behandeln. Letztendlich, belegen sie den hohen lnformationsgrad und die hohe Rationalität der Stimmbürger. RESUME Le présent article analyse les résultats des votations sur l'EEE et sur les accords bilatéraux au niveau des 3025 communes de la Confédération en modélisant simultanément les décisions de vote ("oui" ou "non") et de participation. Les régressions incluent des déterminants économiques et politiques. Les déterminants économiques sont les parts d'emploi sectoriels agrégées en perdants, gagnants et neutres selon la classification de BRUNETTI, JAGGI ET WEDER (1998), suivant la logique du modèle Ricardo-Viner, et les niveaux de diplômes moyens, suivant celle du modèle Heckscher-Ohlin. Les déterminants politiques suivent de près ceux utilisés dans la littérature récente. Les résultats sont remarquablement précis et cohérents. La plupart des variables ont les signes prédits par les modèles et sont significatives a 1%. Plus de 80% de la variance du vote par commune sont expliqués par le modèle, faisant substantiellement reculer la part résiduelle par rapport aux travaux précédents. Les variables politiques ont aussi les signes attendus et sont aussi significatives. Nos résultats soulignent l'importance de l'interaction entre choix électoraux et décisions de participation et l'importance de les traiter simultanément. Enfin, ils mettent en lumière les niveaux élevés d'information et de rationalité de l'électorat.
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Escitalopram is a serotonin reuptake inhibitor prescribed for depression and anxiety. There is a paucity of information regarding safety in pregnancy. The objective of this study was to determine whether escitalopram is associated with an increased risk for major malformations or other adverse outcomes following use in pregnancy. The authors analyzed pregnancy outcomes in women exposed to escitalopram (n = 212) versus other antidepressants (n = 212) versus nonteratogenic exposures (n = 212) and compared the outcomes. Among the escitalopram exposures were 172 (81%) live births, 32 (15%) spontaneous abortions, 6 (2.8%) therapeutic abortions, 3 stillbirths (1.7%), and 3 major malformations (1.7%). The only significant differences among groups was the rate of low birth weight (<2500 g) and overall mean birth weight (P = .225). However, spontaneous abortion rates were higher in both antidepressant groups (15% and 16%) compared with controls (8.5%; P = .066). There were lower rates of live births (P = .006), lower overall birth weight (P < .001), and increased rates of low birth weight (<2500 g; P = .009) with escitalopram. Spontaneous abortion rates were nearly double in both antidepressant groups (15% and 16%) compared with controls (8.5%) but not significant (P = .066). Escitalopram does not appear to be associated with an increased risk for major malformations but appears to increase the risk for low birth weight, which was correlated with the increase in infants weighing <2500 g. In addition, the higher rates of spontaneous abortions in both antidepressant groups confirmed previous findings.
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OBJECTIVE: We sought to examine the relation between recommended levels of physical activity during pregnancy and pregnancy outcomes. STUDY DESIGN: We conducted an observational study with energy expenditure, aerobic fitness, and sleeping heart rate measured in 44 healthy women in late pregnancy. Medical records were examined for pregnancy outcome. RESULTS: Active women, who engaged in > or = 30 minutes of moderate physical activity per day, had significantly better fitness and lower sleeping heart rate compared to the inactive. Duration of second stage of labor was 88 and 146 minutes in the active vs inactive women, respectively (P = .05). Crude odds ratio of operative delivery in the inactive vs the active was 3.7 (95% confidence interval, 0.87-16.08). Birthweight, maternal weight gain, and parity adjusted odds ratio was 7.6 (95% confidence interval, 1.23-45.8). Neonatal condition and other obstetric outcomes were similar between groups. CONCLUSION: Active women have better aerobic fitness as compared to inactive women. The risk for operative delivery is lower in active women compared to inactive, when controlled for birthweight, maternal weight gain, and parity. Further studies with larger sample size are required to confirm the association between physical activity and pregnancy outcomes.
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This document contains two related, but separate reports. The Juvenile Crime Prevention Community Grant Fund Outcomes Report is a summary of outcomes from services and activities funded through the Juvenile Crime Prevention Community Grant Fund in FY2001. The Juvenile Justice Youth Development Program Summary describes Iowa communities current prevention and sanction programs supported with funding from the Division of Criminal and Juvenile Justice Planning (CJJP) during FY2002.