918 resultados para contractive fiscal policy


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Em sua edição número 68, que corresponde a 2016, o Estudo Econômico da América Latina e do Caribe consta de três partes. A primeira resume o desempenho da economia regional em 2015 e analisa a evolução durante o primeiro semestre de 2016, bem como as perspectivas de crescimento para o ano. Examina os fatores externos e internos que incidiram no desempenho econômico da região e destaca alguns dos desafios para as políticas macroeconômicas num contexto externo caracterizado por baixo crescimento e elevados graus de incerteza. A seção temática deste estudo analisa os desafios que os países da América Latina e do Caribe enfrentam no âmbito interno e externo para mobilizar o financiamento para o desenvolvimento. No âmbito interno, a desaceleração do crescimento e as maiores restrições fiscais impõem importantes desafios à mobilização de recursos. No âmbito externo, a condição de países de renda média dificulta o acesso ao financiamento externo concessional ou à cooperação internacional. A terceira parte, que está disponível no site da CEPAL (www.cepal.org), contém as notas referentes ao desempenho econômico dos países da América Latina e do Caribe em 2015 e no primeiro semestre de 2016, bem como os respectivos anexos estatísticos. A informação apresentada foi atualizada em 30 de junho de 2016.

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En el presente documento se analiza la evolución de las economías de Centroamérica (Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua y Panamá) y la República Dominicana (CARD) en 2015, con base en cifras oficiales al cierre del año, y ofrece un análisis de los primeros meses de 2016 y perspectivas para el resto del año. Es un estudio de coyuntura, con información disponible al 30 de junio de 2016. En el documento se ofrece una actualización de la versión publicada en febrero de 2016.

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Paridades de poder adquisitivo para América Latina y el Caribe, 2005-2013: métodos y resultados / Hernán Epstein y Salvador Marconi .-- Asistencia oficial para el desarrollo, capital social y crecimiento en América Latina / Isabel Neira, Maricruz Lacalle-Calderón y Marta Portela .-- Perú, 2002-2012: crecimiento, cambio estructural y formalización / Juan Chacaltana .-- Descentralización fiscal y crecimiento económico en Colombia: evidencia de datos de panel a nivel regional / Ignacio Lozano y Juan Manuel Julio .-- Efecto de las TIC en el rendimiento educativo: el Programa Conectar Igualdad en la Argentina / María Verónica Alderete y María Marta Formichella .-- Brasil: dinámica de la industria de bienes de capital en el ciclo de expansivo 2003-2008 y tras la crisis mundial / Guilherme Riccioppo Magacho .-- Segregación socioeconómica escolar en Chile: elección de la escuela por los padres y un análisis contrafactual teórico / Humberto Santos y Gregory Elacqua .-- Desigualdad de ingresos en Costa Rica a la luz de las Encuestas Nacional de Ingresos y Gastos de los Hogares 2004 y 2013 / Andrés Fernández Aráuz .-- Contenido de trabajo en las exportaciones manufactureras mexicanas, 2008 y 2012 / Gerardo Fujii G., Rosario Cervantes M. y Ana Sofía Fabián R. .-- La terciarización en Chile. Desigualdad cultural y estructura ocupacional / Modesto Gayo, María Luisa Méndez y Berta Teitelboim.

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This article provides an economy-wide perspective on the changing role of the public sector in developing economic and social infrastructure in Australia. It analyses the scale and macroeconomic significance of the key economic and social infrastructure sectors - communication services, electricity, gas and water supply, transport, education, health and community services, government administration and defence. It then canvasses the major policy issues that have arisen in the progression from public to private infrastructure provision and considers why concerns about the trend fall in traditional public works spending may be misplaced in light of recent economic and institutional changes.

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This paper compares social security programs in the AK model with leisure and bequests. It will show that the unfunded program with contribution-dependent benefits has smaller distortions than programs (funded or unfunded alike) with contribution-independent benefits. (C) 2002 Elsevier Science B.V. All rights reserved.

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This paper examines the effects of unfunded social security with bequests, fertility and human capital by considering a mix of earnings-dependent and universal social security benefits. We show that social security is more likely to promote growth by reducing fertility and increasing human capital investment if its benefits are more dependent on individuals' own earnings. Through simulations, we find that the differences in the effects of social security resulting from variations in the benefit formula can be too substantial to be ignored. We also investigate the welfare effect in calibrated economies. (C) 2003 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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and human capital externalities. Because of such externalities, education investment is too low and fertility is too high. While education subsidies are the conventional means to deal with these problems, we show that the optimal policy also comprises debt even when distortionary taxes are used. The reason is that debt tips the usual trade-off between children's quantity and quality in favor of the latter by increasing the bequest cost of children. The optimal debt-output ratio exceeds 10% for plausible parameterization. (C) 2002 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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This paper studies optinnal public debt in a dynastic model with human capital externalities that cause human capital investment (fertility) to be below (above) its socially optimal level. By reducing fertility and raising human capital investment, the optimal debt can exceed 10% of output for plausible parameterizations.

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This book is a collection of papers that focusses on the macroeconomic and financial aspects of EU accession of its largest new member, Poland, seen in comparative perspective. Two main themes are covered. One relates to empirical estimations, evaluating the effects of integration on fiscal balance, prices, seigniorage wealth and FDI flows. The second theme relates to institutional reform and policy recommendations. Discussion focuses on how transparency and fiscal rules, including those implied by EU accession, may help to reduce the deficit bias in fiscal policy; what is the institutional framework for low inflation and how to make the insurance sector regulation more efficient, including its implications for insurance offer for small and medium-size enterprises. Last but not least, the Irish model of development and the role of the foreign direct investment in it is discussed, including the applicability of the Irish policy in Poland and other new EU member states.

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A fejlett ipari országokra a hetvenes évektől mind inkább jellemző tartós költségvetési hiányt sem a keynesi, sem pedig a neoklasszikus elmélet nem tudta kielégítően magyarázni. Az új politikai gazdaságtan azonban, úgy tűnik, sikerrel tárta fel nemcsak a tartós hiány és a növekvő eladósodottság okait, hanem a fiskális politikai teljesítményben országok között és időben mutatkozó jelentős eltérések forrásait is. A siker elsősorban annak köszönhető, hogy az új politikai gazdaságtan a költségvetési politika alakításának politikai és intézményi korlátai felé fordult, azzal a nem titkolt szándékkal, hogy kiterjessze a főáramú közgazdaságtan határait, és beépítse modelljeibe a gazdaságpolitikai döntéshozatal folyamatát. Tanulmányunkban négy átfogó magyarázatot tekintünk át - ezek: 1. az adósságállomány stratégiai használata, 2. a stabilizáció elodázása, 3. a politikai és választási rendszerek különbözősége és 4. a gyenge vagy széttöredezett végrehajtói hatalom -, azzal az egyértelmű igénnyel, hogy a szokásos pozitív elemzést normatív vizsgálódással egészítsük ki. / === / Neither Keynesian nor Neoclassical theory managed to explain adequately the increasingly typical state of chronic budgetary deficit found in developed industrial countries since the 1970s. But the new political economy seems to have revealed the causes of the chronic deficit and mounting indebtedness and of the reasons for the marked differences in fiscal-policy performance between countries and periods. The success can be ascribed primarily to the fact that the new political economy turned to the political and institutional constraints on the formation of budgetary policy, with the unconcealed aim of broadening the bounds of mainstream economics and building the policy-making process into it. The study examines four comprehensive explanations: 1. strategic use of debt stock, 2. postponement of stabilization, 3. differences of political and electoral systems, and 4. weak or fragmented executive power, with the clear intention of complementing the customary positive analysis with a normative examination.

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Az Európai Unió megújuló gazdasági kormányzási rendszerének egyik meghatározó pillére a diszkrecionális gazdaságpolitikával szemben megfogalmazott szabályalapúság lesz. A minden korábbinál erősebb és vélhetően hatékonyabb szabályok bevezetésének legelkötelezettebb híve Németország. Az elmúlt évtizedekben a folyó költségvetési kiadások hiányból történő finanszírozásának tilalmát előíró aranyszabályt inkább kevesebb, mint több sikerrel alkalmazó Németország most arra vállalkozott, hogy nem csak saját hatáskörben vezeti be az ún. adósságféket, hanem követendő példaként állítja azt a többi tagország elé is. Írásunkban az aranyszabály, illetve az adósságfék előnyeit és hátrányait vesszük számba a német tapasztalatok felhasználásával. / === / The need to strengthen rules-based fiscal policy has emerged as a widely shared consensus amongst policy-makers in the recent economic and financial crisis. Germany has become the most devoted advocator of the new regime, where more innovative and effective fiscal rules are supposed to play an even bigger role than before. Germany supports such a move however not only in rhetoric but also in practice. It decided to abandon its several decade old golden rule and to adopt a more sophisticated one, the so-called debt-brake. This article provides a cost-benefit analysis of both the previous and the new fiscal rule.

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The European Union with its sophisticated institutional system is the most important regional integration on Earth. This tight form of economic integration converges to the level that Dani Rodrik calls hyperglobalization in his model, the political trilemma of globalisation. In our paper we develop the mentioned model and then we apply it to the case of the European Integration. We argue that if we want to maintain the deep integration among member states in the EU we have to pass more and more functions of the nation states to the federation level. In case of the EMU that means that federal fiscal policy is needed which could lead to multi-speed Europe considering new member states’ reluctance to give up their specific institutions.

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Az Európai Unió a világgazdaság egyik legfontosabb integrációja. A benne megvalósuló gazdasági integráció szorossága megfelel annak a szintnek, amit Rodrik hiperglobalizációnak nevez. Az elmélet szerint a politika szintjén egyszerre nem megvalósítható a demokratikus politikai döntéshozatal, a teljes világgazdasági integráció, illetve a nemzetállam. A trilemma a globalizáció útjában álló intézményi különbségeken alapszik. Megoldása három módon lehetséges: a demokrácia kiiktatásával a megoldás az arany kényszerzubbony, ahol a piaci mechanizmusok veszik át az állami gazdaságpolitika szerepét; a globális kormányzás megvalósulása esetén a szuverén nemzetállamok tűnnek el a nemzetközi rendszerből; végül a Bretton Woods kompromisszum esetében a globalizáció útjába állítunk akadályokat. Írásunkban a modellt az európai integrációra, egészen pontosan a Gazdasági és Monetáris Unióra alkalmazzuk. Érvelésünk szerint, ha fent kívánjuk tartani az integráció szorosságát, erősíteni kell az integráció szintjén a gazdasági kormányzást, ami pedig csak a tagállami szuverenitás rovására mehet. Ez, mely a GMU esetében leginkább a fiskális föderáció erősítését jelenti ugyanakkor, megnövelve az integráció költségeit, egy többsebességes Európa kialakulása irányába hathat. _____ The European Union with its sophisticated institutional system is the most important regional integration on Earth. This tight form of economic integration converges to the level that Dani Rodrik calls hyperglobalization in his model, the political trilemma of globalisation. In this model Rodrik assumes that from the three desired element of world politics (deep economic integration, the nation state, and democratic politics) only two can be chosen. We can either choose deep integration and the nation state but then we have to abandon democracy; or we can choose deep integration and democracy, but then we have to forfeit the nation state; or we have to circumscribe globalisation to maintain democracy and the nation state. In our paper we develop the mentioned model and then we apply it to the case of the European integration. We argue that if we want to maintain the deep integration among member states in the EU we have to pass more and more functions of the nation states to the federation level. In case of the EMU that means that federal fiscal policy is needed which could lead to multi-speed Europe considering new member states reluctance to give up their specific institutions.