853 resultados para Working class--New York (State)--New York
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Goldsmiths'-Kress no. 34397.
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James Armstrong, chairman 1886 to his death, after which A.T. Freed was chairman.
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Vols. for 1895-96--1915-16 called also v. 3-13.
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This book examines international labour movement opposition to globalisation. It chronicles and critically scrutinizes the emergence of distinctively new forms of labour movement organisation and mobilisation that constitute creative initiatives on the part of labour, which present capitalism with fresh challenges.
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From the break up of the New Left into single issue groups at the end of the 1960s came a variety of groups representing the peace movement, environmental movement, student movement, women’s movement, and gay liberation movement. This explosion of new social movement activism has been heralded as the age of new radical politics. Many theorists and activists understand new social movements, as replacing the working class as an agent for progressive social change. Scholars and activists now alike debate the possibilities for revolutionary change in this era of multinational capitalism and new nationalisms. This paper examines some of the above claims in the context of the contemporary Serbian civil society. It explores the relationship between the civil society, activism, and narratives in Serbia. In particular, it examines the anti-Milosevic’ movement Otpor! (Resistance), and its discourse, practice and politics in public spaces, through an analysis of narratives of a set of roughly 20 interviews with Otpor! activists, aged 18-35. In the following discussion, then, I will focus on some of the particular dilemmas of contemporary Serbian popular movements - they are dilemmas to do with the growing complexity of media life in the Serbian spaces. I ground my debate on particular uses of the notion of civil society in the narratives of Otpor! activists, while I focus on the question of how do Otpor! activists relate to Leftist/radical politics and the idea of civil society.
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Com a fundação do Partido dos Trabalhadores, para os militantes da nova esquerda brasileira, o sonho de um futuro socialista para o país começava a se tornar realidade. Mas ao olhar com atenção para o fenômeno, foi ficando claro que o PT rompia os padrões conhecidos de um partido operário, não somente por ser um amálgama de tendências, mas também pela forte presença cristã. E daí veio a pergunta: que partido é esse? A partir das análises teológicas desenvolvidas por Paul Tillich, procuramos nesta tese construir um caminho novo para explicar o surgimento do Partido dos Trabalhadores e a importância do pensamento cristão social em sua formação e desenvolvimento. Utilizamos como referencial teórico dois autores, Paul Tillich e Enrique Dussel. Os textos socialistas e os conceitos da teologia da cultura de Tillich, assim como as abordagens sobre a religião infraestrutural e sobre o fator religioso no processo revolucionário latino-americano desenvolvidas por Enrique Dussel norteram nossa leitura metodológica. O projeto de pesquisa foi, assim, o socialismo no Partido dos Trabalhadores, a partir de uma abordagem teológica, por isso a tese mostra a importância da Teologia no debate interdisciplinar sobre o socialismo no Partido dos Trabalhadores. De todas as maneiras, a inclusão da Teologia na análise crítica da construção do pensamento socialista no Partido dos Trabalhadores, sem negar a importância dos diálogos interdisciplinares, amplia o horizonte de compreensão dos estudos sobre política, cristianismo e socialismo no Brasil, e mostra, também, a importância da abordagem comparativa representada pela presença da Teologia na discussão da política e do socialismo. A pesquisa bibliográfica primária e qualitativa partiu dos documentos oficiais de encontros e congressos do Partido dos Trabalhadores, assim como de artigos, editoriais e entrevistas publicadas pela imprensa do PT e pela imprensa não partidária.
A EDUCAÇÃO SUPERIOR E O PROLETARIADO: O ACESSO ÀS UNIVERSIDADES PELA CLASSE OPERÁRIA NO ABC PAULISTA
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A facilidade crescente de acesso à Educação Superior e a necessidade de uma formação profissional mais ampla levaram operários com ensino médio e técnico a frequentar o espaço acadêmico, lugar que fora sempre o direito de uma pequena elite formadora da liderança dominante. O intuito deste trabalho é analisar como a relação do operário comum com o mundo acadêmico das universidades realmente influencia as relações de trabalho da Classe Operária na fábrica. Uma pesquisa em forma de enquete operária foi realizada junto aos metalúrgicos do ABC para o levantamento de dados, levando em consideração o ano de 1996 como marco inicial, tendo como referência o ano da promulgação da LDB 9394/96, ajudando-nos a delinear o novo perfil da Classe Operária do ABC paulista e verificando as possíveis contribuições dadas pelos operários que concluíram ou estão cursando o Ensino Superior.
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The aim of this thesis is to examine the approach of the Parti Communiste Francais (from 1956 to 1982) to the emergence of new strata of salaried `intellectual workers' (technicians, engineers, low to middle managers in industry and commerce, scientific researchers, teachers etc) parallelled by the gradual diminution of the traditional industrial working class which forms the core of the Party's support base. This examination is carried out in the context of the debate in France (initiated in the 1950s by social theorists of the Left) on the class membership and role of these strata. The reason for the emergence of such a debate is that in a society given to both a rapid evolution of its social structure and an increased polarisation between Left and Right, a precise knowledge of the objective and subjective determinations of new strata would enable parties to the Left to make proper distinctions between potential allies and adversaries. The thesis posits the view that the PCF has failed to make correct distinctions between its potential allies and adversaries and has thus pursued unsuccessful alliance strategies. The thesis contributes towards a scientifically-based understanding of one of the reasons governing the PCF's steady decline since the 1950s.
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The thesis deals with the concepts of technical tra ining of middle level adopted by the Federal Institute of Education, Science and Technology of R io Grande do Norte (IFRN). Discusses these concepts from the four political-pedagogical projects built in the period 1970 to 2010, spanning three institutionalities: Federal Technica l School of Rio Grande do Norte (1970- 1998), Federal Center of Technological Education of Rio Grande do Norte (1999-2008) and IFRN (from 2008) as well as three important politic al contexts of the country: Civil-Military Dictatorship, New Republic and Period of neoliberal ideas in Brazil. The goal is to analyze the configuration of the conceptions of training adopte d in the political-pedagogical projects IFRN, with emphasis on the specificities and (dis) contin uities, placing them in the context of political, economic and educational change in development in t he country. Addresses the relationship work, education and human development in capitalist society, in order to grasp the concept of employee training engendered by that company as wel l as the possibility of a counter- hegemonic formation. We analyze the formation of mi d-level concepts outlined in the educational reforms implemented in the country. We investigate the concepts of training outlined in the political-pedagogical projects IFRN . Makes use of the historical-dialectical materialism, the literature review, the documentary research and interviews were conducted with subjects who participated in the working group coordinator of the drafting of the political- institutional educational projects. The results sho w that the training of workers in capitalist society has a unilateral character; that the traini ng required by the working class is the omnilateral training; that the formative ideas that permeated the educational reforms in the country between 1970 and 2010 were all envisaged by unilateral training; that, in certain contexts, conceptions of technical training medium level outlined in the political-pedagogical projects IFRN reflect the formative perspectives th at guide educational reforms in the country (unilateral training) and, at other times, the inst itution adopts concepts (training omnilateral) that are not consistent with such prospects; and th at between the political-pedagogical projects built from 1970 to 2010 there are more continuities than breaks in relation to the concepts of training adopted. We conclude that the challenge is to institutionalize the IFRN their educational actions omnilateral designing training undertaken in the political-pedagogical project 2009.
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In line with the process of financialization and globalization of capital, which has intensified in all latitudes of the globe, the world of work is permeated by his determinations arising and also has been (re) setting from numerous changes expressed by example, in the unbridled expansion of temporary forms of work activities, and flexible outsourced by the growth of informality, forming a new morphology of work. However, regardless of how these forms are expressed in concrete materiality, there is something that unifies: all of them are marked by exponentiation of insecurity and hence the numerous negative effects on the lives of individuals who need to sell their labor power to survive. Given this premise, the present work is devoted to study, within the framework of the Brazilian particularities of transition between Fordism and Toyotism, what we call composite settings of the conditions and labor relations processed within the North river- textile industry Grande. To this end, guided by historical and dialectical materialism, we made use of social research in its qualitative aspect, using semi-structured interviews, in addition to literature review, information retrieval and use of field notes. From our raids, we note that between the time span stretching from the 1990s to the current year, the Natal textile industry has been undergoing a process of successive and intense changes in their modus operandi, geared specifically to the organization and labor management causing, concomitantly, several repercussions for the entire working class.
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In line with the process of financialization and globalization of capital, which has intensified in all latitudes of the globe, the world of work is permeated by his determinations arising and also has been (re) setting from numerous changes expressed by example, in the unbridled expansion of temporary forms of work activities, and flexible outsourced by the growth of informality, forming a new morphology of work. However, regardless of how these forms are expressed in concrete materiality, there is something that unifies: all of them are marked by exponentiation of insecurity and hence the numerous negative effects on the lives of individuals who need to sell their labor power to survive. Given this premise, the present work is devoted to study, within the framework of the Brazilian particularities of transition between Fordism and Toyotism, what we call composite settings of the conditions and labor relations processed within the North river- textile industry Grande. To this end, guided by historical and dialectical materialism, we made use of social research in its qualitative aspect, using semi-structured interviews, in addition to literature review, information retrieval and use of field notes. From our raids, we note that between the time span stretching from the 1990s to the current year, the Natal textile industry has been undergoing a process of successive and intense changes in their modus operandi, geared specifically to the organization and labor management causing, concomitantly, several repercussions for the entire working class.
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This thesis investigates the voting behavior of the fractions of the new working class in Rio Grande do Norte, more specifically in the cities of Natal, Mossoró and Caicó, from the presidential election of 2014. This research examined the ideology, the evaluation of government and guidance the vote of a portion of the working classes of RN voters. In Brazil, from 2003, socio-economic change has occurred perceptibly, especially in a part of the working classes who ascended socially and switched to the "C economic class." Thus, there was this period, a significant expansion of this social stratum. The expansion of the "class C" in the past decade in Brazil raised the academic debate and in the media about the emergence of a "new middle class". Neri (2008) termed the "class C" of the "new middle class" and that will be the central part of their studies. But the debate on the "new middle class" can not be simplistic to the point of considering that social mobility, the main variable income, entered this segment of the population in the middle class, because it has different specificities of the popular classes. To understand this phenomenon, the income variable was outdated, adding the importance of ownership of the means of production, control of labor power and the symbolic values in the division of social classes resulting in three fractions of the new working class: the management positions, non-heads and small fighters. In this study, using as a complement to the sociological approach (ideologies and social classes) and the performance evaluation was identified that the new working class (heads) mainly reproduced the ideological and political positioning of the middle class, resulting in the rejection of PT governments (2003-2014) and it’s social, compensatory and redistributive policies. From what has been seen, the new working class (chiefs) approaches the ideological and political behavior of the middle class that will reflect in their electoral choices and class interests. The new working class (not heads and small fighters who voted in the situation) because of its classist and ideological interests approached the Workers' Party positively evaluating the Lula-Dilma governments (2003-2014) due to the implementation of compensatory policies, and redistributive programs government turned to the popular classes. In a counterpoint, the voters of the new working class (not heads and small fighters) who voted null, reproduced the discourse of mainstream media and the middle class about the rejection of compensatory policies, redistribution and government programs of Lula-Dilma governments, and consequently they disapproved of the government Dilma and her candidacy.
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What did young, single, unaccompanied Irish women experience when immigrating to the United States in the late nineteenth century? In this final project, I will explore primary and secondary sources that address their experiences, focusing on a diary written in 1883 by a young Irish domestic servant working in New Haven, Connecticut. Mary McKeon, a sixteen-year-old girl from County Leitrim, Ireland, recorded her experiences as a domestic servant for two different families, as well as her own personal thoughts. Mary wrote down her personal experiences, providing a glimpse of what her life was like both inside and outside of her employer’s home. Though much of my research will show that many young women like Mary would be subjected to prejudice and discrimination due to their lack of understanding middle-class American values, which would give rise to the “Bridget” stereotype of a brutish, ill-mannered and incompetent domestic servant, not all Irish women experienced that discrimination and prejudice. Mary is one example of a domestic servant that was treated kindly by her employers and her story documents a more positive and supportive environment for this newly arrived young, single immigrant. Her diary also reveals her to be a young woman who worked to improve her language skills and her situation. And, through her diary, we get a glimpse of her strategies for ensuring an active social life, including access to courtship and marriage. By analyzing Mary’s diary and sharing my results in this final project, I hope to provide a more comprehensive view into the lives of these young women.
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El propósito de este trabajo de investigación es relevar la experiencia de una escuela pública del distrito de La Matanza, en el conurbano bonaerense. Esta institución enclavada en una zona popular, Villa Scasso, fue creada hace trece años y atiende a una población infantil y juvenil de educación especial. El motivo de la investigación no se centra en la especificidad de este campo educativo sino en el proceso de construcción de una propuesta pedagógica que tensiona las formas escolares, amplía las fronteras educativas y transforma el tiempo y el espacio escolar. La atención de la presente indagación está puesta en problematizar la relación de la educación con la desigualdad y la igualdad, con el objetivo de abrir nuevos interrogantes sobre el carácter de determinación que se le otorga a la pobreza, la marginalidad y la exclusión en el terreno educativo, en particular en su relación con las escuelas de sectores populares. Las infancias populares acceden a circuitos de escolarización diferenciados, pero su carácter reproductor y/o emancipador configura un discurso que no se clausura a priori. Esta tesis doctoral abre interrogantes sobre esta problemática y documenta una experiencia educativa que "hace escuela" de manera "especial"
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El propósito de este trabajo de investigación es relevar la experiencia de una escuela pública del distrito de La Matanza, en el conurbano bonaerense. Esta institución enclavada en una zona popular, Villa Scasso, fue creada hace trece años y atiende a una población infantil y juvenil de educación especial. El motivo de la investigación no se centra en la especificidad de este campo educativo sino en el proceso de construcción de una propuesta pedagógica que tensiona las formas escolares, amplía las fronteras educativas y transforma el tiempo y el espacio escolar. La atención de la presente indagación está puesta en problematizar la relación de la educación con la desigualdad y la igualdad, con el objetivo de abrir nuevos interrogantes sobre el carácter de determinación que se le otorga a la pobreza, la marginalidad y la exclusión en el terreno educativo, en particular en su relación con las escuelas de sectores populares. Las infancias populares acceden a circuitos de escolarización diferenciados, pero su carácter reproductor y/o emancipador configura un discurso que no se clausura a priori. Esta tesis doctoral abre interrogantes sobre esta problemática y documenta una experiencia educativa que "hace escuela" de manera "especial"