325 resultados para Totality


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In the late 60s it had become clear how the environment technification had allowed some typologies (supermarkets, car parks, factories) to reach potentially unlimited built depths becoming, therefore, independent from the outside. The No-Stop City is born from a very simple idea: to extend this technification to the totality of built reality encompassing, not only almost all functions, but ultimately, the whole city. This operation has paradoxical effects: as architecture grows, it loses most of the features that have traditionally defined it. A dissolution by hypertrophy that gives rise to an homogeneous, concave and potentially infinite space. But beyond the pure technical feasibility, there are two key influences, seemingly contradictory, that explain this endeavor for an interior and endless city: Marxism and Pop Art. The project is, in many senses, a built manifesto reflecting the militancy of the group members within the Italian Marxism. But it is also the embodiment of the groups declared interest in Pop Art, popular culture and mass society. The cross-influence of communism and consumerism explains this "quantitative utopia" in which the society and the factory, the production and consumption, would match. A city based on the centrality of consumer products and the subsequent loss of prominence of architecture, in which the urban phenomenon, while spreading endlessly over territory, ignoring its rural exteriority, dissolves the home as a sphere of privacy, ignoring its domestic interiority. A project, also in the wake of Marshall McLuhan, that illustrates like few others the conversion of the urbane into a virtually omnipresent "condition" and that still interrogates us with questions that are, on the other hand, eternal: What is a building? What is a city?

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El término imaginario, nombra el principio y el tema central de una investigación del mundo arquitectónico, necesaria para entender las condiciones alrededor de un proceso proyectual íntimo, cargado de significaciones ideológicas y simbólicas. En diferentes interpretaciones, el inconsciente colectivo y personal, científico o social, aparece en el origen de cada pensamiento y comportamiento humano, constituyendo un universo cerrado y caótico, donde todas las ideas están en constante tensión y contradicción. Por esta razón existen nociones y construcciones lógicas y coherentes que estructuran el marco de la verisimilitud y por tanto el régimen de la realidad, mediante la verdad y la verificación. Para el proyecto arquitectónico estas configuraciones se expresan en la situación del espacio, el tiempo y el cuerpo, como elementos básicos de jerarquización de la habitabilidad y de la cohabitabilidad humana. Esta tesis pretende acotar y definir un ámbito de procesos verosímiles instalados dentro del imaginario mediante el patrimonio intangible del pensamiento mítico o utópico, donde no solamente se crean envolventes del pensamiento, de iconografía o de sociedades, sino de donde también se derivan modelos rígidos y excluyentes, desde teorías basadas en la heteronormatividad y la segregación según el sexo, el género, la clase y la capacidad dentro de la diversidad funcional. La experiencia del espacio arquitectónico ha sido tradicionalmente descrita mediante palabras e imágenes: el lógos y el símbolo han sido los grandes intermediadores entre los sujetos y el habitar. Los ámbitos cotidiano y urbano se han regido por modelos y normas absolutas aplicadas universalmente y el mundo arquitectónico se ha visto estancado en la polaridad dual, entre lo público y lo privado, el dentro y el fuera, el movimiento y el reposo, el hombre y la mujer. Si el espacio-tiempo, el cuerpo y sus interpretaciones son la base para los modelos absolutistas, universalistas y perfeccionistas que han dominado el pensamiento occidental y elaborado la noción de lo “normal” en su totalidad, restando complejidad y diversidad, en la era hipermoderna ya no tiene sentido hablar en términos que no contemplen la superposición y la contradicción de la multiplicidad caótica en igualdad y en equilibrio instable. La realidad se ha visto reinventada a través de situaciones intermedias, los lugares inbetween en los espacios, tiempos, identidades y nociones presupuestas, donde se ha tergiversado el orden establecido, afectando al imaginario. La cotidianidad ha superado la arquitectura y el tiempo ha aniquilado el espacio. La conectividad, las redes y el libre acceso a la información – allá donde los haya – componen el marco que ha permitido a los sujetos subalternos emerger y empezar a consolidarse en el discurso teórico y práctico. Nuevos referentes están apareciendo en el hiper-espacio/tiempo aumentado, infringiendo todas aquellas leyes e interpretaciones impuestas para controlar los hábitos, las conductas y las personas. La casa, la ciudad y la metrópolis al vaciarse de contenidos, han dejado de cumplir funciones morales y simbólicas. Los no-lugares, los no-space, los no-time (Amann, 2011) son las condiciones radicalmente fenoménicas que reemplazan la realidad de lo vivido y activan de forma directa a los sentidos; son lugares que excitan el cuerpo como termótopos (Sloterdijk, 2002), que impulsan el crecimiento de la economía y en gran medida la multinormatividad. Sin duda alguna, aquí y ahora se requiere un nuevo modo de emplear la palabra, la imagen y la tecnología, dentro de una temporalidad efímera y eterna simultáneamente. ABSTRACT The term imaginary marks the beginning and the main topic of this research into the architectural world, presented as the necessary condition to understand the design process in its intimate layers, loaded with ideological and symbolic meanings. Through different interpretations, the unconscious, personal and collective, scientific or social, is found in the origin of every human thought and behaviour, constituting a closed chaotic universe, where all ideas are in constant tension and contradiction. This is why there are logical and coherent notions or discursive constructions which organise the context of verisimilitude and therefore the regime of reality through truth and its verification. For the architectural project, these specific configurations are associated with space, time and body as basic elements of management and hierarchization of human habitability and co-habitability. This thesis aims to demarcate and define a field of verisimilar processes installed in the imaginary, through the intangible heritage of mythical or utopian thinking, where not only enclosures of thought, iconography or utopian ideals are created, but from where rigid and exclusive models are derived as well, from theories based on heteronormativity and segregation by sex, gender, class and functional diversity. The experience of the architectural space has been described traditionally through words and images: the language and the symbol have been intermediating between the user and his habitat. Everyday life and urban interactions have been governed by absolute, universally applied, models or standards, therefore the architectural world has been stalled in a constant dual polarity between the public and the private, the inside and the outside, the movement and the repose, the man and the woman. Certainly, if the space-time notion, along with the theorization of the body, are the basis for absolutist, universalist and perfectionist models that have dominated western thought and developed the concept of “normal” in its totality, deducting all complexity and diversity, in the hypermodern era it makes no longer sense to speak in terms that ignore the overlap and contradiction of the chaotic multiplicity that characterises equality and unstable balance. Reality has been reinvented through intermediate situations, the in-between spaces, time, identities, or other presupposed notions. The order of truth has been distorted, affecting and transforming the contemporary imaginary. Everyday practices have surpassed the architectural design and time has annihilated space. Connectivity, networks, free access to information -wherever it exists-, compose the framework that has allowed subaltern subjectivity to emerge and begin to consolidate into main theoretical and practical discourses. New models are appearing in the augmented hyper-space/ time, transgressing any rule and interpretation imposed to control habits, behaviours and people. The house, the city and the metropolis are empty of content; they no longer fulfil moral and symbolic functions. The non-places, non-space, non-time (Amann, 2011) are radically phenomenal conditions that replace the reality of the lived experience and activate the senses as places that excite the body, thermotopos (Sloterdijk, 2002), which boost economic growth and to a considerable extent the multinormativity. Undoubtedly, what is required here and now is a new way of employing the word, the image and the technology within an ephemeral yet eternal temporality.

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Un Equity Carve Out, también conocido como escisión IPO o escisión parcial de empresas, constituye un tipo de reorganización corporativa, en la que una empresa crea una nueva filial a partir de la separación de una de sus actividades, negocios o servicios. Estas operaciones empresariales actualmente constituyen unas de las prácticas más comunes usadas por las compañías para conseguir financiación. El capital entrante por la venta de parte o la totalidad de la filial, justificará por un lado el esfuerzo invertido en el proceso y por otro abrirá nuevos caminos para la empresa recién constituida. Pero la mayor parte de estos procesos son de una complejidad elevada, tanto si se ven desde la óptica externa a la empresa, como interna. Por un lado las valoraciones bursátiles, dadas las actuales circunstancias económicas, no son las mejores. Y por otro, los proyectos de escisión tienen demasiados puntos críticos para considerarlos sencillos o mecánicos de ejecución. Este documento se centrará en dar solución a la problemática interna que afrontan las empresas una vez tomada la decisión de escindir una actividad: ¿cómo gestionar el proceso? Desde la experiencia y el conocimiento empresarial, se propone como solución: un proyecto completo, coherente y estructurado de escisión; y un PMO o responsable de proyecto, para dirigirlo. Durante todo el documento se repasarán todos y cada uno de los pasos que debe tener en consideración y llevar bajo control el PMO, para acabar el equity carve out en 5 meses. Se definirá un proyecto completo describiendo los pasos necesarios para: • Construir nueva empresa y las relaciones con su ecosistema. • Definir todas las operaciones de negocio necesarias para garantizar su operatividad. • Crear las estructuras necesarias que soporten todas las operaciones y procesos. Para ello y dentro de una planificación global, se propone el trabajo diario con todos los departamentos que tengan algún tipo de involucración en el proceso: operaciones, legal, recursos humanos, financiero, fiscal, TI, marketing y comunicación y compras. Todos estos departamentos o líneas de trabajo tendrán tareas y objetivos particulares. El documento servirá de manual, para que el PMO tenga una visión cuasi-completa de lo que hay que hacer en cada momento, con qué profesionales trabajar y con qué propósito. ---ABSTRACT---An Equity Carve Out, also named as excision or partial IPO excision of companies, is a type of corporate reorganization in which a company creates a new one from the separation of one of its activities, business or services. Currently these business operations constitute one of the most common practices used by companies to get funding. The capital that comes from the sale of part or the totality of the subsidiary, justifies the effort invested in the process on one hand, and on the other opens new perspectives for the newly formed company. But most of these processes are highly complex, whether viewed from outside the company, or from inside. On one side, stock valuations, taking into account the current economic circumstances, are not the best. And on the other side, excision projects have too many critical points to consider the projects simple or mechanical. This document is focused on resolving the internal problems faced by enterprises, once the decision of spinning off the activity is taken: how to manage the process? From the experience and business knowledge, we propose as solution: a complete, coherent and structured excision project; and a PMO or Project Officer leading it. Throughout the document, each and every step that the PMO must take into consideration will be reviewed, in order to finish the equity carve-out in 5 months. A complete project will be defined by describing the steps necessary to: • Build new business and relationships with its ecosystem. • Define all business operations necessary to ensure their operability. • Create the necessary structures that support all operations and processes. Within the Global Planning, we will propose daily work with all the departments that have some sort of involvement in the process: operations, legal, human resources, financial, taxes, IT, marketing communication and purchases. All these departments or working lines have their own tasks and goals. The document could be used as a manual for the PMO in order to have a near-complete picture of what to do anytime, with what professionals he/she would work and for what purpose.

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The proposal highlights certain design strategies and a case study that can link the material urban space to digital emerging realms. The composite nature of urban spaces ?material/ digital- is understood as an opportunity to reconfigure public urban spaces without high-cost, difficult to apply interventions and, furthermore, to reactivate them by inserting dynamic, interactive and playful conditions that engage people and re-establish their relations to the cities. The structuring of coexisting and interconnected material and digital aspects in public urban spaces is proposed through the implementation of hybridization processes. Hybrid spaces can fascinate and provoke the public and especially younger people to get involved and interact with physical aspects of urban public spaces as well as digital representations or interpretations of those. Digital game?s design in urban public spaces can be comprehended as a tool that allows architects to understand and to configure hybrids of material and digital conceptions and project all in one, as an inseparable totality. Digital technologies have for a long time now intervened in our perception of traditional dipoles such as subject - environment. Architects, especially in the past, have been responsible for material mediations and tangible interfaces that permit subjects to relate to their physical environments in a controlled and regulated manner; but, nowadays, architects are compelled to embody in design, the transition that is happening in all aspects of everyday life, that is, from material to digital realities. In addition, the disjunctive relation of material and digital realms is ceding and architects are now faced with the challenge that supposes the merging of both in a single, all-inclusive reality. The case study is a design project for a game implemented simultaneously in a specific urban space and on the internet. This project developed as the spring semester course New Media in Architecture at the Department of Architecture, Democritus University of Thrace, Greece is situated at the city of Xanthi. Composite cities can use design strategies and technological tools to configure augmented and appealing urban spaces that articulate and connect different realms in a single engaging reality.

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La presente investigación tiene como objetivo principal diseñar un Modelo de Gestión de Riesgos Operacionales (MGRO) según las Directrices de los Acuerdos II y III del Comité de Supervisión Bancaria de Basilea del Banco de Pagos Internacionales (CSBB-BPI). Se considera importante realizar un estudio sobre este tema dado que son los riesgos operacionales (OpR) los responsables en gran medida de las últimas crisis financieras mundiales y por la dificultad para detectarlos en las organizaciones. Se ha planteado un modelo de gestión subdividido en dos vías de influencias. La primera acoge el paradigma holístico en el que se considera que hay múltiples maneras de percibir un proceso cíclico, así como las herramientas para observar, conocer y entender el objeto o sujeto percibido. La segunda vía la representa el paradigma totalizante, en el que se obtienen datos tanto cualitativos como cuantitativos, los cuales son complementarios entre si. Por otra parte, este trabajo plantea el diseño de un programa informático de OpR Cualitativo, que ha sido diseñado para determinar la raíz de los riesgos en las organizaciones y su Valor en Riesgo Operacional (OpVaR) basado en el método del indicador básico. Aplicando el ciclo holístico al caso de estudio, se obtuvo el siguiente diseño de investigación: no experimental, univariable, transversal descriptiva, contemporánea, retrospectiva, de fuente mixta, cualitativa (fenomenológica y etnográfica) y cuantitativa (descriptiva y analítica). La toma de decisiones y recolección de información se realizó en dos fases en la unidad de estudio. En la primera se tomó en cuenta la totalidad de la empresa Corpoelec-EDELCA, en la que se presentó un universo estadístico de 4271 personas, una población de 2390 personas y una unidad de muestreo de 87 personas. Se repitió el proceso en una segunda fase, para la Central Hidroeléctrica Simón Bolívar, y se determinó un segundo universo estadístico de 300 trabajadores, una población de 191 personas y una muestra de 58 profesionales. Como fuentes de recolección de información se utilizaron fuentes primarias y secundarias. Para recabar la información primaria se realizaron observaciones directas, dos encuestas para detectar las áreas y procesos con mayor nivel de riesgos y se diseñó un cuestionario combinado con otra encuesta (ad hoc) para establecer las estimaciones de frecuencia y severidad de pérdidas operacionales. La información de fuentes secundarias se extrajo de las bases de datos de Corpoelec-EDELCA, de la IEA, del Banco Mundial, del CSBB-BPI, de la UPM y de la UC at Berkeley, entre otras. Se establecieron las distribuciones de frecuencia y de severidad de pérdidas operacionales como las variables independientes y el OpVaR como la variable dependiente. No se realizó ningún tipo de seguimiento o control a las variables bajo análisis, ya que se consideraron estas para un instante especifico y solo se determinan con la finalidad de establecer la existencia y valoración puntual de los OpR en la unidad de estudio. El análisis cualitativo planteado en el MGRO, permitió detectar que en la unidad de investigación, el 67% de los OpR detectados provienen de dos fuentes principales: procesos (32%) y eventos externos (35%). Adicionalmente, la validación del MGRO en Corpoelec-EDELCA, permitió detectar que el 63% de los OpR en la organización provienen de tres categorías principales, siendo los fraudes externos los presentes con mayor regularidad y severidad de pérdidas en la organización. La exposición al riesgo se determinó fundamentándose en la adaptación del concepto de OpVaR que generalmente se utiliza para series temporales y que en el caso de estudio presenta la primicia de aplicarlo a datos cualitativos transformados con la escala Likert. La posibilidad de utilizar distribuciones de probabilidad típicas para datos cuantitativos en distribuciones de frecuencia y severidad de pérdidas con datos de origen cualitativo fueron analizadas. Para el 64% de los OpR estudiados se obtuvo que la frecuencia tiene un comportamiento semejante al de la distribución de probabilidad de Poisson y en un 55% de los casos para la severidad de pérdidas se obtuvo a las log-normal como las distribuciones de probabilidad más comunes, con lo que se concluyó que los enfoques sugeridos por el BCBS-BIS para series de tiempo son aplicables a los datos cualitativos. Obtenidas las distribuciones de frecuencia y severidad de pérdidas, se convolucionaron estas implementando el método de Montecarlo, con lo que se obtuvieron los enfoques de distribuciones de pérdidas (LDA) para cada uno de los OpR. El OpVaR se dedujo como lo sugiere el CSBB-BPI del percentil 99,9 o 99% de cada una de las LDA, obteniéndose que los OpR presentan un comportamiento similar al sistema financiero, resultando como los de mayor peligrosidad los que se ubican con baja frecuencia y alto impacto, por su dificultad para ser detectados y monitoreados. Finalmente, se considera que el MGRO permitirá a los agentes del mercado y sus grupos de interés conocer con efectividad, fiabilidad y eficiencia el status de sus entidades, lo que reducirá la incertidumbre de sus inversiones y les permitirá establecer una nueva cultura de gestión en sus organizaciones. ABSTRACT This research has as main objective the design of a Model for Operational Risk Management (MORM) according to the guidelines of Accords II and III of the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision of the Bank for International Settlements (BCBS- BIS). It is considered important to conduct a study on this issue since operational risks (OpR) are largely responsible for the recent world financial crisis and due to the difficulty in detecting them in organizations. A management model has been designed which is divided into two way of influences. The first supports the holistic paradigm in which it is considered that there are multiple ways of perceiving a cyclical process and contains the tools to observe, know and understand the subject or object perceived. The second way is the totalizing paradigm, in which both qualitative and quantitative data are obtained, which are complementary to each other. Moreover, this paper presents the design of qualitative OpR software which is designed to determine the root of risks in organizations and their Operational Value at Risk (OpVaR) based on the basic indicator approach. Applying the holistic cycle to the case study, the following research design was obtained: non- experimental, univariate, descriptive cross-sectional, contemporary, retrospective, mixed-source, qualitative (phenomenological and ethnographic) and quantitative (descriptive and analytical). Decision making and data collection was conducted in two phases in the study unit. The first took into account the totality of the Corpoelec-EDELCA company, which presented a statistical universe of 4271 individuals, a population of 2390 individuals and a sampling unit of 87 individuals. The process was repeated in a second phase to the Simon Bolivar Hydroelectric Power Plant, and a second statistical universe of 300 workers, a population of 191 people and a sample of 58 professionals was determined. As sources of information gathering primary and secondary sources were used. To obtain the primary information direct observations were conducted and two surveys to identify the areas and processes with higher risks were designed. A questionnaire was combined with an ad hoc survey to establish estimates of frequency and severity of operational losses was also considered. The secondary information was extracted from the databases of Corpoelec-EDELCA, IEA, the World Bank, the BCBS-BIS, UPM and UC at Berkeley, among others. The operational loss frequency distributions and the operational loss severity distributions were established as the independent variables and OpVaR as the dependent variable. No monitoring or control of the variables under analysis was performed, as these were considered for a specific time and are determined only for the purpose of establishing the existence and timely assessment of the OpR in the study unit. Qualitative analysis raised in the MORM made it possible to detect that in the research unit, 67% of detected OpR come from two main sources: external processes (32%) and external events (35%). Additionally, validation of the MORM in Corpoelec-EDELCA, enabled to estimate that 63% of OpR in the organization come from three main categories, with external fraud being present more regularly and greater severity of losses in the organization. Risk exposure is determined basing on adapting the concept of OpVaR generally used for time series and in the case study it presents the advantage of applying it to qualitative data transformed with the Likert scale. The possibility of using typical probability distributions for quantitative data in loss frequency and loss severity distributions with data of qualitative origin were analyzed. For the 64% of OpR studied it was found that the frequency has a similar behavior to that of the Poisson probability distribution and 55% of the cases for loss severity it was found that the log-normal were the most common probability distributions. It was concluded that the approach suggested by the BCBS-BIS for time series can be applied to qualitative data. Once obtained the distributions of loss frequency and severity have been obtained they were subjected to convolution implementing the Monte Carlo method. Thus the loss distribution approaches (LDA) were obtained for each of the OpR. The OpVaR was derived as suggested by the BCBS-BIS 99.9 percentile or 99% of each of the LDA. It was determined that the OpR exhibits a similar behavior to the financial system, being the most dangerous those with low frequency and high impact for their difficulty in being detected and monitored. Finally, it is considered that the MORM will allows market players and their stakeholders to know with effectiveness, efficiency and reliability the status of their entities, which will reduce the uncertainty of their investments and enable them to establish a new management culture in their organizations.

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El Anillo Verde metropolitano, definido por el Plan General de Ordenación Urbana del Área Metropolitana de Madrid en 1963 siguiendo los modelos planteados por la cultura urbanística internacional, como armadura de la estructura urbana del AMM, espacio protagonista dentro del sistema de espacios libres, lugar de uso público destinado al recreo y contacto con la naturaleza de la población madrileña, se convierte en realidad en una reserva de suelo que va entrando en juego motivado por las alianzas entre el poder institucional y la clase social dominante actuando al margen del planeamiento, poniendo en evidencia la escasez de recursos legales y culturales disponibles para la salvaguarda de los intereses comunes y, donde los condicionantes geográficos y naturales del territorio madrileño han influido decisivamente en la especialización funcional y espacial del Área Metropolitana de Madrid. Así pues considerando esta idea como HIPÓTESIS, el objetivo de la TESIS sería demostrarla, para lo cual se hace necesario primero, acotar espacial y temporalmente el objeto de estudio, es decir, del Anillo Verde metropolitano1, segundo, contextualizar histórica y disciplinarmente los presupuestos teóricos que conformaban la idea del Anillo Verde, tercero, reconocer, localizar y documentar las piezas que han ido materializando la ocupación urbana del Anillo Verde, clasificándolas según parámetros temporales, funcionales, urbanísticos y, formales, lo que permite analizar la geografía, uso, instrumentación y forma de su transformación a escala general metropolitana y, cuarto, profundizar a modo de comprobación a escala municipal y urbana en dos escenarios representativos del conjunto metropolitano: el municipio de Pozuelo de Alarcón y el distrito de Hortaleza-Barajas. El contenido del documento se divide en tres bloques, el bloque I, se centra en las bases teóricas, el bloque II sitúa el hilo argumental de la tesis a escala metropolitana y el bloque III comprueba el fenómeno a escala municipal y urbana. De esta forma, se comienza por la comprensión del significado del concepto del Anillo Verde, que va más allá de la dimensión instrumental asignada de límite y contención urbana frente al crecimiento de la ciudad industrial de principios del siglo XX, basada en la descentralización de la ciudad tradicional, para adquirir un significado más complejo, como gran espacio de reserva y salvaguarda de valores naturales y culturales que se expresaban en su territorio y que permitirían alcanzar el equilibrio entre la ciudad y sus habitantes, es decir, entre el hombre y el espacio que habita. Se hace un recorrido por las principales corrientes urbanísticas que se van nutriendo de distintas disciplinas (economía, sociología, geografía, biología, ecología) para plantear teorías que permitieran materializar un nuevo orden urbano según principios de equidad social, económica y ambiental, en una secuencia donde Europa y Estados Unidos realizaban un constante intercambio -el movimiento de la Ciudad Jardín o el Regionalismo, que dieron paso a propuestas como el Greater London o el Gran Berlín, donde la figura del Anillo Verde tenía un papel protagonista, y del que también participaría nuestro país y la ciudad de Madrid, con modelos regionales como el Plan Besteiro y urbanos como el Plan Bidagor, antecedentes directos del Plan General de Ordenación Urbana del Área Metropolitana de Madrid de 1963 que pone en marcha la ordenación del crecimiento metropolitano de Madrid. El hilo argumental de la tesis se organiza en una doble aproximación: un acercamiento a escala metropolitana a partir del reconocimiento del modelo de ciudad definido en los distintos planes generales que acompañaron el desarrollo metropolitano (municipio de Madrid y de los siete términos municipales que rodeaban a este y que tenían suelo destinado a Anillo Verde), haciendo referencia además a las relaciones con el planeamiento regional, concretando en una escala de aproximación municipal que avanza hasta la interpretación urbana detallada. El primer acercamiento tiene lugar en el bloque II y se organiza en tres capítulos. El capítulo 4 se dedica al punto obligado de partida de la geografía local, describiendo las características biofísicas de los terrenos que formaban parte del Anillo Verde, que han marcado históricamente la forma de aprovechamiento del territorio, desde las extensiones de bosques mediterráneos al norte y al oeste continuación del Monte del Pardo, a los distintos tipos de cultivo que se adaptaban al sustrato geológico y la forma del terreno (de las suaves ondulaciones de sedimentos arcósicos al norte a las extensas plataformas arenosas y yesíferas del sur), además de las zonas de huertos aprovechando las depresiones y los cursos de agua (arroyo del Monte Carmelo, arroyo de Valdebebas, arroyo del Quinto, arroyo del Santo, arroyo Butarque, arroyo Meaques y arroyo Pozuelo). Una vez reconocida la realidad física, el capítulo 5, avanza en la descripción de los distintos modelos de ciudad propuestos desde el planeamiento urbanístico, en sus distintas escalas, la regional y la municipal, como respuesta a la coyuntura social, económica y política que ha caracterizado el proceso de ocupación del Anillo Verde al compás de la construcción del AMM. Se han reunido las propuestas de planeamiento municipal de los distintos municipios que disponían de terreno calificado como Anillo Verde: Madrid, Coslada, Getafe, Leganés, Alcorcón, Boadilla del Monte y Pozuelo de Alarcón. Además se han incorporado las distintas propuestas de ordenación territorial que han servido de referencia al planeamiento municipal, en todas sus versiones, desde las sectoriales, de mayor éxito y apoyo institucional, a los distintos intentos de ordenación integral, de mayor complejidad pero de menor calado, precisamente por la dificultad de consenso entre la ordenación física y el desarrollo económico, entre los intereses privados y el beneficio público. El primer horizonte, comienza con la formulación del Plan General de Ordenación Urbana del Área Metropolitana de Madrid de 1963, su desarrollo y la puesta en marcha de los primeros planes municipales en la década de los años setenta, donde se comprueba la necesidad de un marco regional que “ordene” el territorio de forma integral y sirva de referencia a las actuaciones sectoriales que habían marcado el primer desarrollo metropolitano. El segundo, se sitúa dos décadas más tarde con la aprobación del Plan General de Ordenación Urbana de Madrid de 1985 y el conjunto de planes municipales de los términos limítrofes, que siguen su filosofía de austeridad en cuanto a crecimiento territorial. El tercero se inicia en 1997 con la siguiente generación de planes de corte neoliberal que imponen un modelo territorial basado en las grandes operaciones metropolitanas de centralidad, infraestructuras y equipamiento, que consumen de forma indiscriminada la totalidad del territorio madrileño. Será en el último capítulo del segundo bloque (capítulo 6) donde se represente gráficamente a escala metropolitana y se analicen las 229 piezas que han ido colmatando el espacio destinado a Anillo Verde, según los parámetros de estudio, en base a las cuales se plantean las primeras conclusiones generales de la tesis, poniendo de manifiesto que las alianzas entre los agentes soberanos en la construcción de la ciudad y su entorno han trasgredido sucesivamente las determinaciones del Planeamiento en su definición de modelo de ciudad y territorio, acusando la carencia de recursos instrumentales y jurídicos que alentaron el proceso de su desmantelamiento, y revelando la influencia de los condicionantes geográficos y naturales en la especialización funcional y segregación social en el conjunto del Área Metropolitana de Madrid. Se remata el discurso metropolitano con una batería de conclusiones que interpretan el fenómeno de ocupación del anillo de verdor metropolitano confirmando las hipótesis iniciales, reconociendo los valores medioambientales y culturales trasgredidos, sus diversos actores, las numerosas operaciones urbanísticas desarrolladas con distintos usos y envergadura, así como los instrumentos de planeamiento utilizados, en base a las cuales se materializa la construcción del AMM según un modelo extendido (spread), dibujando una mancha de aceite (o grase-spots según Geddes) que precisamente había querido evitarse desde el planeamiento urbanístico con la definición de un Anillo Verde, espacio inmune a la edificación, que se aleja de su papel estructurante (equilibrador entre la ciudad y sus habitantes) para convertirse en armadura de la estructura comunicativa, que una vez consolidada se convierte en la mejor aliada de la máquina inmobiliaria. El último paso, se desarrolla en el bloque III que se divide en los capítulo 7,8 y 9 y supone la comprobación de lo descrito en el conjunto de escala metropolitana, en dos aspectos fundamentales, la falta de consideración por los valores culturales y medioambientales que han modelado el territorio, imprimiéndole un carácter singular y específico y, la estructura del dominio del suelo, donde se reconoce de forma precisa el grupo social y los agentes encargados en cada momento de comercializar los suelos del anillo, que bajo el paraguas de la urgencia social y el engañoso beneficio popular, obtienen importantes beneficios económicos. Con esa intención, se da un salto hacia la escala municipal y urbana, seleccionando dos escenarios de estudio, el municipio de Pozuelo de Alarcón, que representa la materialización del crecimiento suburbano de la élite madrileña ocupando las zonas de mayor valor ecológico del anillo, y el distrito de Hortaleza-Barajas que ofrece su territorio a las grandes operaciones metropolitanas, apoyándose en el eje de actividad marcado por la conexión Madrid-Barcelona y el sistema aeroportuario de escala global, ambos situados al norte de la línea de borde entre la Sierra y la Mancha, ocupando por tanto los lugares más valiosos de la geografía madrileña (estructura funcional anticipada por Bidagor en 1946 en su modelo de ciudad adaptada al territorio madrileño) Una vez descrito este proceso trasgresor de límites, de normas, de conductas, y desde una perspectiva del fenómeno suficientemente documentada, en el capítulo 10, se realiza una reflexión sobre la incidencia real de la propuesta urbanística del Anillo Verde en la construcción del AMM, de la misma forma que se sugieren nuevos roles al planeamiento en un formato intencionado de largo recorrido en oposición a lo inmediato y circunstancial, que permita hacer una nueva lectura de los presupuestos teóricos que conformaban la idea del Anillo Verde, espacio articulador (medioambiental, social y cultural) del territorio madrileño. ABSTRACT The Metropolitan Greenbelt was defined by the 1963 Master Plan for the Madrid Metropolitan Area (MMA), following established international models of urban development, as the structural framework of the MMA, the principal open space within its network of open spaces and a public area of recreation and contact with nature for the residents of Madrid. In reality, however, it ha become a reserve of land in which various alliances between the institutional authorities and the dominant social class have been operating on the margin of the original plan, exposing a scarcity of legal and cultural resources for the safeguarding of common interests, and in which the geographical and natural characteristics of the territory itself have come to play an influential role in the functional specialization and spatial segregation of the MMA. With that idea as its HYPOTHESIS, the aim of this THESIS is to demonstrate its reality. The first step in this is to delineate, temporally and spatially, the object of study; i.e. the Metropolitan Greenbelt2. The second is to contextualize historically and disciplinarily those theoretical ideas which conform to the greenbelt concept. The third is to acknowledge, locate and document the elements which have characterized the urban occupation of the Greenbelt and classify these according to the parameters of time, function, urban development and form, which in turn would enable the geography, use, instrumentation and form of its transformation to be analysed on a general metropolitan scale. The fourth step, as a method of verification, is an in-depth analysis of two representative settings within the metropolitan network: the municipality of Pozuelo de Alarcón and the Hortaleza-Barajas district. The content of the document is divided into three parts. Part I focuses on the study’s theoretical foundations, Part II establishes a line of argument at the metropolitan level and Part III examines the phenomenon from a municipal and urban perspective. The thesis, then, begins with a study of the greenbelt concept itself and its meaning, which is far more complex than the accepted instrumental dimension of limiting and containing urbanization in response to the growth of the industrial city of the early 20th century, and which is based on a decentralization of the traditional city. This wider purpose is the setting aside of a large reserved space to safeguard the natural and cultural values of the region and thereby achieve a balance between the city and its residents; that is to say, between man and the space he inhabits. The principal currents of thought in urban planning will then be examined. These have drawn upon a variety of disciplines (economics, sociology, geography, biology, ecology) to develop theories for establishing a new urban order according to the principles of social, economic and environmental equity, and have involved a constant interchange between Europe and the United States. Thus, the City Garden and Regionalist movements would clear the way for proposals such as Greater London and Great Berlin, Chicago and Washington, in which the greenbelt would play a fundamental role. The participation of our own country and the city of Madrid is also discussed, through regional models such as the Besteiro Plan and urban ones like the Bidagor Plan, direct forerunners of 1963’s General Organizational Plan for the Madrid Metropolitan Area, which would set into motion the organization of Madrid’s metropolitan growth. The line of argument followed in this thesis is two-fold: first, an examination of metropolitan development in keeping with the city model as defined in the various General Plans for the development of both the municipality of Madrid and the seven surrounding municipalities which have land designated for its Greenbelt; and second, an examination of this growth in relation to Regional Planning measures, is detailed on a smaller scale (municipal and district), where the conditioning factors affecting the land property structure and the network of biophysical units may be analysed in depth. The first of these is dealt with in Part II and organized into three chapters (4, 5 and 6). Chapter 4 is dedicated to the obligatory starting point of the geographical setting itself. The biophysical characteristics of the territories set aside for the Greenbelt, and which historically have played a role in the area’s exploitation, are described here. These range from expanses of Mediterranean woodland to the north and west of Monte del Pardo to the various types of farmland that have been adapted to the geological substratum and the contours of the terrain (gentle undulations of arkosic sediment in the north, and wide sandy and gypsiferous tableland in the south), as well as orchards planted in low valleys and along watercourses (the creeks of Monte Carmelo, Valdebebas, Quinto, Santo, Butarque, Meaques and Pozuelo). Once this physical reality ha been detailed, in Chapter 5 will examine the various city models proposed by urban planners, both regionally and municipally, in response to the confluence of social, economic and political interests that have characterized the process of occupation in the Greenbelt area during the construction of the MMA. Municipal planning proposals will be collected and examined for the various municipalities which have land designated for the Greenbelt: Madrid, Coslada, Getafe, Leganés, Alcorcón, Boadilla del Monte and Pozuelo de Alarcón. Furthermore, the various territorial organization proposals which have served as references for municipal planning will also be addressed here, in all of their versions –from the sectorial, which have met with more success and institutional approval, to the many attempts at integration, which have been more complex but less influential, precisely for the difficulty of reconciling physical organization with economic development, and private interest with public benefit. The first period in this process was the development of the General Plan of 1963, followed by the first municipal development plans of the 1970s, in which the need for a regional framework that “organized” the territory in an integral fashion was defined. This would serve as a reference for the sectorial actions that marked the metropolitan area’s initial development. The second came two decades later with the approval of the General Plan of 1985, and the network of municipal plans for the surrounding communities, which followed the same philosophy of austerity with regard to territorial growth. The third would begin to take form in 1997, as a new generation of neo-liberal development plans imposed a territorial model based on centralized large-scale metropolitan operations of infrastructure and equipment, which would indiscriminately consume the totality of Madrid’s land. At the end of the Part II, in Chapter 6, the metropolitan area will be represented graphically and the 229 pieces that have been gradually encroaching upon land designated for the Greenbelt will be analysed. This analysis will be carried out according to the parameters defined for the study, and the first general conclusions of the thesis will be based on its findings. It will show how alliances between the various governing authorities in the construction of the city and its environment have successively violated established plans with regard to the definitions of city and territory, how shortages of instrumental and judicial resources have accentuated the dismantling process, and how natural and geographical factors have influenced functional specialization and social segregation in the Madrid Metropolitan Area. The final step, detailed in Part III, will address two fundamental aspects of what has just been described: the lack of consideration for the cultural and environmental values which have shaped this territory and imprinted upon it a specific and unique character; and the structure of land domination, with a precise identification of the social group and agents responsible at each stage of the Greenbelt’s commercialization, who, under an umbrella of social urgency and deceptive public benefit, have used it to obtain substantial financial rewards. For this purpose, a closer look is taken at two specific areas: the municipality of Pozuelo de Alarcón, representative of the suburban growth of an elite population which has occupied the Greenbelt areas of the greatest ecological value; and the Hortaleza-Barajas district, which has offered its territory to large metropolitan business interests, based on activities centred on the connection between Madrid and Barcelona and the system of international air travel. Both of these settings are located to the north of the line which divides the Sierra from La Mancha, and thus occupy the most valuable land in the Madrid region (a functional structure anticipated by Bidagor in 1946, with his city model adapted to the territory of Madrid). Finally, an attempt will be made to interpret the phenomenon of metropolitan Greenbelt occupation, confirming initial hypotheses, specifying the environmental and cultural values that have been violated, and identifying the various players involved, as well as numerous urbanization operations of varying sizes and interests, and the instruments of planning they have used. It will be seen from this that the construction of the MMA has in fact followed a “spread” model, a “grease spot” (as Geddes calls it) which, from the outset of the planning process and according to the definition of a greenbelt as a construction-free zone, was precisely to be avoided. This structural role (to provide a balance between a city and its residents) has thus been abandoned and the Greenbelt converted instead into a communicative framework which, once consolidated, has become the greatest ally of the real estate machine. After this process of violating limits, norms and established behaviour has been described and solidly documented, a reflection will be made on the real influence of the Greenbelt proposal in the construction of the MMA. At the same time, new roles will be suggested for future planning, roles which are deliberate and long term, in opposition to the immediate and circumstantial. This will enable a new interpretation of the theoretical principles behind the greenbelt concept, a space designed to connect the territory of Madrid environmentally, socially and culturally.

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A reflexão proposta neste estudo está centrada na possibilidade de o Novo Paradigma Sistêmico , tal qual o concebe o físico norte-americano Fritjof Capra, fundamentar um modelo epistemológico, possível de integrar em seu âmbito os pontos de vista divergentes no debate sobre o tratamento científico do fenômeno religioso. A história das ciências da religião está marcada pelo dilema epistemológico: explicar ou compreender a religião? As ciências da natureza contrapuseram-se às ciências do espírito, que diferiam das primeiras pelo objeto, pelo método e pela relação entre o sujeito e o objeto. O debate que esteve presente no cenário dos séculos XIX e XX mostrou-nos a impossibilidade de se definir um modelo de ciência que incorporasse, em seu seio, uma integração dos pontos de vista divergentes, em razão dos princípios que norteavam o paradigma cientificista. No entanto, a emergência do paradigma dos sistemas vivos ou da complexidade , liderado pela física, veio conceber o caráter sistêmico da realidade; que o concreto material é energia sob o aspecto subatômico; que sob o aspecto subatômico, a matéria não existe em lugares definidos com certeza, mas apenas mostram tendências a existir. Estas e outras descobertas possibilitaram aos cientistas afirmar a existência de um Novo Paradigma , em que as categorias análise, regularidade e objetividade, que caracterizavam o antigo, são substituídas por: síntese, irregularidade e conduta epistêmica. O paradigma emergente possibilitou a construção de um modelo epistemológico do conhecimento científico, que apontamos como legitimador das condutas fenomenológicas, tal qual as concebem G. van der Leeuw e F. Heiler, ao mesmo tempo em que possibilita a integração de pontos de vista divergentes, no debate entre as vertentes, explicação/compreensão.(AU)

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A reflexão proposta neste estudo está centrada na possibilidade de o Novo Paradigma Sistêmico , tal qual o concebe o físico norte-americano Fritjof Capra, fundamentar um modelo epistemológico, possível de integrar em seu âmbito os pontos de vista divergentes no debate sobre o tratamento científico do fenômeno religioso. A história das ciências da religião está marcada pelo dilema epistemológico: explicar ou compreender a religião? As ciências da natureza contrapuseram-se às ciências do espírito, que diferiam das primeiras pelo objeto, pelo método e pela relação entre o sujeito e o objeto. O debate que esteve presente no cenário dos séculos XIX e XX mostrou-nos a impossibilidade de se definir um modelo de ciência que incorporasse, em seu seio, uma integração dos pontos de vista divergentes, em razão dos princípios que norteavam o paradigma cientificista. No entanto, a emergência do paradigma dos sistemas vivos ou da complexidade , liderado pela física, veio conceber o caráter sistêmico da realidade; que o concreto material é energia sob o aspecto subatômico; que sob o aspecto subatômico, a matéria não existe em lugares definidos com certeza, mas apenas mostram tendências a existir. Estas e outras descobertas possibilitaram aos cientistas afirmar a existência de um Novo Paradigma , em que as categorias análise, regularidade e objetividade, que caracterizavam o antigo, são substituídas por: síntese, irregularidade e conduta epistêmica. O paradigma emergente possibilitou a construção de um modelo epistemológico do conhecimento científico, que apontamos como legitimador das condutas fenomenológicas, tal qual as concebem G. van der Leeuw e F. Heiler, ao mesmo tempo em que possibilita a integração de pontos de vista divergentes, no debate entre as vertentes, explicação/compreensão.(AU)

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As emissoras de rádio não utilizam, de maneira eficiente, os espaços que possuem na internet. Foi baseado nesta hipótese que este trabalho foi construído. Trata-se de um estudo realizado a partir de sites de emissoras de rádio com sede na Capital Paulista, através do qual foi possível observar a maneira como as emissoras utilizam seus espaços on-line para a busca da interatividade com seus ouvintes e também a colocação de materiais publicitários de seus anunciantes. Após a etapa de pesquisa nos sites, especialistas divididos em professores universitários, anunciantes, profissionais de agências de propaganda e de veículos de comunicação foram procurados, com o intuito de verificar se acreditavam na possibilidade / capacidade de construção de uma relação interativa entre as emissoras de rádio, seus sites e seu público. Apesar da totalidade dos questionários apontar a crença nesta possibilidade, estes profissionais não mostraram caminhos possíveis para a utilização desta mídia audiovisual como complementação do processo comunicacional com o rádio. Assim, coube a este trabalho apresentar possibilidades de interação entre o mundo virtual e o rádio.(AU)

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As emissoras de rádio não utilizam, de maneira eficiente, os espaços que possuem na internet. Foi baseado nesta hipótese que este trabalho foi construído. Trata-se de um estudo realizado a partir de sites de emissoras de rádio com sede na Capital Paulista, através do qual foi possível observar a maneira como as emissoras utilizam seus espaços on-line para a busca da interatividade com seus ouvintes e também a colocação de materiais publicitários de seus anunciantes. Após a etapa de pesquisa nos sites, especialistas divididos em professores universitários, anunciantes, profissionais de agências de propaganda e de veículos de comunicação foram procurados, com o intuito de verificar se acreditavam na possibilidade / capacidade de construção de uma relação interativa entre as emissoras de rádio, seus sites e seu público. Apesar da totalidade dos questionários apontar a crença nesta possibilidade, estes profissionais não mostraram caminhos possíveis para a utilização desta mídia audiovisual como complementação do processo comunicacional com o rádio. Assim, coube a este trabalho apresentar possibilidades de interação entre o mundo virtual e o rádio.(AU)

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Reconhecendo, a partir da constatação empírica, a multiplicidade de escolhas de crenças no Mundo e em particular na periferia urbana paulistana, reconhecemos, também, a emergência criativa de novas possibilidades de crer e não crer. Tal amplitude não apenas aponta para o crer (segundo as ofertas de um sem número de religiões) e o não crer (ateu e agnóstico), mas para uma escolha que poderia vir a ser silenciada e esquecida, neste binômio arcaico e obsoleto, quando alguém se dá à liberdade crer sem ter religião. Reconhecer interessadamente os sem-religião nas periferias urbanas paulistanas é dar-se conta das violências a que estes indivíduos estão submetidos: violência econômica, violência da cidadania (vulnerabilidade) e proveniente da armas (grupos x Estado). Tanto quanto a violência do esquecimento e silenciamento. A concomitância espaço-temporal dos sem-religião nas periferias, levou-nos buscar referências em teorias de secularização e de laicidade, e, a partir destas, traçar uma história do poder violento, cuja pretensão é a inelutabilidade, enquanto suas fissuras são abertas em espaços de resistências. A história da legitimação do poder que se quer único, soberano, de caráter universal, enquanto fragmenta a sociedade em indivíduos atomizados, fragilizando vínculos horizontais, e a dos surgimentos de resistências não violentas questionadoras da totalidade trágica, ao reconhecer a liberdade de ser com autonomia, enquanto se volta para a produção de partilha de bens comuns. Propomos reconhecer a igual liberdade de ser (expressa na crença da filiação divina) e de partilhar o bem comum em reconhecimentos mútuos (expressa pela ação social), uma expressão de resistência não violenta ao poder que requer a igual abdicação da liberdade pela via da fragmentação individualizante e submissão inquestionável à ordem totalizante. Os sem-religião nas periferias urbanas, nossos contemporâneos, partilhariam uma tal resistência, ao longo da história, com as melissas gregas, os profetas messiânicos hebreus, os hereges cristãos e os ateus modernos, cuja pretensão não é o poder, mas a partilha igual da liberdade e dos bens comuns. Estes laicos, de fato, seriam agentes de resistências de reconhecimento mútuos, em espaços de multiplicidade crescente, ao poder violento real na história.

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The human mutation rate for base substitutions is much higher in males than in females and increases with paternal age. This effect is mainly, if not entirely, due to the large number of cell divisions in the male germ line. The mutation-rate increase is considerably greater than expected if the mutation rate were simply proportional to the number of cell divisions. In contrast, those mutations that are small deletions or rearrangements do not show the paternal age effect. The observed increase with the age of the father in the incidence of children with different dominant mutations is variable, presumably the result of different mixtures of base substitutions and deletions. In Drosophila, the rate of mutations causing minor deleterious effects is estimated to be about one new mutation per zygote. Because of a larger number of genes and a much larger amount of DNA, the human rate is presumably higher. Recently, the Drosophila data have been reanalyzed and the mutation-rate estimate questioned, but I believe that the totality of evidence supports the original conclusion. The most reasonable way in which a species can cope with a high mutation rate is by quasi-truncation selection, whereby a number of mutant genes are eliminated by one “genetic death.”

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As a relatively unknown author, Mary Davys (1674-1732) has garnered scant scholarly attention and little admiration for her work. Those who have written on Davys’s prose fiction most often mention the last three texts she published, Familiar Letters betwixt a Gentleman and a Lady (1716), The Reform’d Coquet (1724), and The Accomplish’d Rake (1727), yet rare mention is made of her first three novels. Moreover, of her later novels, many scholars read them as socially conservative and as representations of Davys’s support of and belief in patriarchy. My project disproves the long-standing and generally agreed upon conceptions regarding Davys’s writings and demonstrates the significance of her life’s work to studies of the novel. By investigating contemporary cultural issues, discussing the popular genres and modes of early eighteenth-century England, and comparing and contrasting Davys’s fiction to other authors’, I explore the myriad ways in which Davys experimented with the formal properties of the novel. Also, by closely examining each novel independently, I foreground Davys’s willingness to engage with charged contemporary topics such as rape, suicide, the laws surrounding inheritance, and male privilege. Not only does she engage with these topics; there is a discernable voice of protest imbedded in the narratives. At times, the techniques Davys employed and the plots she created in her work obscured her social concerns, yet with close reading, subversion also surfaces as one of Davys’s methods. An analysis of Davys’s experimentations with prose fiction and form illuminates the ways in which those innovations allowed Davys to criticize the culture in which she lived. Furthermore, an investigation of the whole of Davys’s work and the totality of her novels—looking at both form and content—exemplifies the importance of Davys for students of feminist thought and the development of the novel.

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A semiotic theory of systems derived from language would have the purpose of classifying all the systems of linguistic expression: philosophy, ideology, myth, poetry, art, as much as the dream, lapsus, and free association in a pluridimensional matrix that will interact with many diversified fields. In each one of these discourses it is necessary to consider a plurality of questions, the essence of which will only be comprehensible by the totality; it will be necessary to ask, in the first place, what will be the purpose of this language, what function does it fulfill and for which reason has it been constructed. The concept of World vision (WV) is introduced and its relation with Generalized Collective Conscience (GCC) and Particularized Collective Conscience. Culture implies a particular WV. Culture creates GCC. The semantic field is a structure that formalizes the units of a certain culture constituting a portion of the vision of the Reality that owns this culture. An ecological case is explained.

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The general purpose of the two studies reported here was to examine perceptions of team cohesiveness in children aged 9 to 12 years. In Study 1, focus groups were used to examine individual perceptions of cohesion from the perspective of group integration – the group as a totality. In Study 2, open-ended questionnaires were used to examine individual perceptions of cohesion from the perspective of individual attractions to the group. The results showed that children as young as nine years understand the phenomenon known as cohesion. They can discuss the group as a totality, the characteristics of cohesive and non-cohesive teams, and identify the major factors attracting them to and maintaining their involvement in the group. Also, the ability to clearly distinguish between task and social cohesion is present. The results provide insight into the world of child sport and emphasise the importance of group cohesion, affiliation, and other social constructs in children’s involvement and adherence to sport groups