891 resultados para Social science


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OBJETIVO: avaliar o significado da presença de esquizócitos em esfregaço de sangue periférico de gestantes com pré-eclâmpsia, identificando-os e correlacionando-os com outros marcadores de hemólise e da gravidade da doença. MÉTODOS: foram avaliadas 76 lâminas de esfregaço de sangue periférico de gestantes portadoras de pré-eclâmpsia. Após a realização do esfregaço, as lâminas foram submetidas ao corante de Leishman e armazenadas até a leitura, feita em microscópio modelo DLMB, da marca Leica, com aumento de 40 vezes e imersão em óleo. O microscópio era dotado de software Qwin Lite 2.5, que permitia gravar as imagens dos campos escolhidos em CD-ROM. Em cada lâmina foram contados dez campos com aproximadamente 100 eritrócitos. Foi considerada presença de esquizócitos (fragmento irregular ou em forma de capacete, de mordida ou triângulo) quando a porcentagem dos mesmos era maior ou igual que 0,2%. A presença de esquizócitos foi correlacionada com outros marcadores de hemólise (hemoglobina, bilirrubina total, desidrogenase lática e reticulócitos), marcadores da pré-eclâmpsia (proteinúria e número de plaquetas) e com a gravidade da pré-eclâmpsia. Para análise estatística foi utilizado o programa Statistical Package in Social Science (SPSS), versão 10.0, com valor de p<0,05. RESULTADOS: os esquizócitos estiveram presentes em 31,6% das gestantes com pré-eclâmpsia, sendo que na maioria (75%) dos esfregaços de sangue havia três ou quatro esquizócitos. Não houve correlação entre a presença de esquizócitos e outros marcadores de hemólise, marcadores da pré-eclâmpsia e a gravidade da doença. CONCLUSÕES: os esquizócitos foram identificados em pequeno número e em menos que um terço das gestantes com pré-eclâmpsia. Não houve correlação com outros parâmetros marcadores de hemólise ou com a gravidade da doença. Assim, a presença de esquizócitos não é um marcador da evolução clínica da pré-eclâmpsia.

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OBJETIVO: Determinar o perfil epidemiológico das gestantes internadas por infecção do trato urinário, bem como verificar os agentes mais prevalentes e a resposta à antibioticoterapia. MÉTODOS: Estudo retrospectivo, que incluiu 106 gestantes internadas para tratamento de infecção do trato urinário no período entre janeiro de 2007 a dezembro de 2010. A avaliação constituiu-se de análise de prontuários dessas gestantes, observando-se informações sobre a internação e a gestação, bem como seu desfecho. Foi realizada a análise estatística por meio do programa Statistical Package for the Social Science, versão 15.0. Foram utilizados, para análise dos dados, o teste bilateral exato de Fisher e o teste t de Student, bem como métodos de estatística descritiva. RESULTADOS: Uroculturas positivas foram encontradas em 60,5% das gestantes internadas por infecção do trato urinário. O agente infeccioso mais frequente foi Escherichia coli e não houve diferença quanto à resistência, à recorrência ou a complicações entre os agentes etiológicos mais frequentes. Gestantes com infecção do trato urinário prévia tiveram maior risco de recorrência (OR=10,8; p<0,05). Os antibióticos mais frequentemente utilizados na internação foram ampicilina e cefazolina. Troca de esquema terapêutico por resistência bacteriana ocorreu em 11,9% das pacientes que usaram cefazolina e em 20% das que usaram ampicilina (OR=5,5; p<0,05). O índice de complicações gestacionais foi igual nos dois tratamentos. Não houve diferença entre as médias do número de dias de internação para os dois tratamentos. CONCLUSÃO: A ampicilina esteve associada a maior índice de resistência bacteriana que a cefazolina, necessitando de maior número de trocas do esquema terapêutico, sem resultar em diferença nos desfechos clínicos e tempo de internação.

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Taking a realist view that law is one form of politics, this dissertation studies the roles of citizens and organizations in mobilizing the law to request government agencies to disclose environmental information in China, and during this process, how the socio-legal field interacts with the political-legal sphere, and what changes have been brought about during their interactions. This work takes a socio-legal approach and applies methodologies of social science and legal analysis. It aims to understand the paradox of why and how citizens and entities have been invoking the law to access environmental information despite the fact that various obstacles exist and the effectiveness of the new mechanism of environmental information disclosure still remains low. The study is largely based on the 28 cases and eight surveys of environmental information disclosure requests collected by the author. The cases and surveys analysed in this dissertation all occurred between May 2008, when the OGI Regulations and the OEI Measures came into effect, and August 2012 when the case collection was completed. The findings of this study have shown that by invoking the rules of law made by the authorities to demand government agencies disclosing environmental information, the public, including citizens, organizations, law firms, and the media, have strategically created a repercussive pressure upon the authorities to act according to the law. While it is a top-down process that has established the mechanism of open government information in China, it is indeed the bottom-up activism of the public that makes it work. Citizens and organizations’ use of legal tactics to push government agencies to disclose environmental information have formed not only an end of accessing the information but more a means of making government agencies accountable to their legal obligations. Law has thus played a pivotal role in enabling citizen participation in the political process. Against the current situation in China that political campaigns, or politicization, from general election to collective actions, especially contentious actions, are still restrained or even repressed by the government, legal mobilization, or judicialization, that citizens and organizations use legal tactics to demand their rights and push government agencies to enforce the law, become de facto an alternative of political participation. During this process, legal actions have helped to strengthen the civil society, make government agencies act according to law, push back the political boundaries, and induce changes in the relationship between the state and the public. In the field of environmental information disclosure, citizens and organizations have formed a bottom-up social activism, though limited in scope, using the language of law, creating progressive social, legal and political changes. This study emphasizes that it is partial and incomplete to understand China’s transition only from the top-down policy-making and government administration; it is also important to observe it from the bottom-up perspective that in a realistic view law can be part of politics and legal mobilization, even when utterly apolitical, can help to achieve political aims as well. This study of legal mobilization in the field of environmental information disclosure also helps us to better understand the function of law: law is not only a tool for the authorities to regulate and control, but inevitably also a weapon for the public to demand government agencies to work towards their obligations stipulated by the laws issued by themselves.

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Tutkimus käsittelee venäläisessä sanomalehdistössä esiintyvää keskustelua Venäjän sotilasreformista. Tutkimuksessa haluttiin selvittää, millaisia diskursseja keskustelussa käytetään sotilasreformin oikeuttamiseksi ja miten ne toimivat vallankäytön välineenä. Tutkimus on monitieteinen. Se antaa vastauksia kielitieteellisessä kehyksessä kielen ja diskurssin roolista päätöksenteossa, yhteiskuntatieteellisessä kehyksessä venäläisestä mediasta ja päätöksentekojärjestelmästä sekä sotatieteellisessä kehyksessä asevoimien kehityksestä ja sotilaspolitiikasta. Tutkimuksen primääriaineisto muodostuu 220 artikkelista, jotka kerättiin yhdeksästä venäläisestä sanomalehdestä vuosien 2008–2012 ajalta. Venäjän johtohenkilöt ja heitä tukevat sanomalehdet oikeuttivat sotilasreformia julkisessa keskustelussa ensisijaisesti viiden syyn avulla: uhkien lisääntymisellä, sodan kuvan muutoksella, asevoimien kalustollisella ja toiminnallisella jälkeenjääneisyydellä, henkilöstön osaamisen alhaisella tasolla ja tarpeella toiminnan järkeistykseen. Sotilasreformin päätöksiä oikeutettiin vetoamalla niiden huolelliseen suunnitteluun, henkilöstön asialliseen kohteluun ja taloudellisten asioiden vakauteen. Sanomalehdistössä esiintyi paljon toisistaan poikkeavia näkemyksiä kehitykseen tarvittavasta suunnasta. Suurin osa kritisoivista diskursseista keskittyi kritisoimaan reformin toteutusta, ei sen olemassaoloa. Kritiikki keskittyi tiedotuksen ja demokraattisen päätöksenteon puutteeseen sekä epäilyksiin reformin valmisteluprosessista. Venäjän asevoimia ja sotilaspolitiikkaa koskevaa uutisointia on ongelmallista tarkastella ilman diskurssikäytäntöjen huomiointia. Venäjän johdon ja sen legitimiteettiä vahvistavien sanomalehtien diskursiivisen vallankäytön tavoitteena on saada Venäjä näyttämään todellisuutta vahvemmalta ja yhtenäisemmältä. Vaikka venäläinen media ja siinä etenkin televisio ei ole vapaata, sanomalehdistö on verrattain hyvä tiedonlähde. Sen varsin monipuolinen omistajuus tutkimusaineiston rajauksen aikana mahdollisti erilaisten näkökulmien esillepääsyn. Analyyttisimmin sotilasreformista uutisoivat ne sanomalehdet, jotka eivät nähneet länsimaita Venäjän uhkana ja representoivat diskursseissaan liberalistisia arvoja kuten avoimuutta ja demokratiaa. Sanomalehdistön vaatimaton rooli venäläisessä mediakentässä heikentää kuitenkin sen vaikuttavuutta yleiseen mielipiteeseen. Sanomalehtien diskurssikäytäntöjen analysointi ideologioiden ja vallankäytön kautta voi tarjota mahdollisuuksia parantaa venäläisen valtionjohdon päätösten ennustettavuutta.

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The emergence of the idea of multiculturalism in Swedish public discourse and social science in the latter half of the 1960s and introduction of official multiculturalism in 1975 constituted a major intellectual and political shift in the post-war history of Sweden. The ambition of the 1975 immigrant and minority policy to enable the preservation of ethno-cultural minorities and to create a positive attitude towards the new multicultural society among the majority population was also incorporated into Swedish cultural, educational and media policies. The rejection of assimilationism and the new commitment to ethno-cultural diversity, the multicultural moment, has earned Sweden a place on the list of the early adopters of official multiculturalism, together with Canada and Australia. This compilation thesis examines the origins and early post-war history of the idea of multiculturalism as well as the interplay between idea and politics in the shift from a public ideal of homogeneity to an ideal of multiculturalism in Sweden. It does so from a range of conceptual, comparative, transnational, and biographical perspectives. The thesis consists of an introduction (Part I) and four previously published studies (Part II). The primary research result of the thesis concerns the agency involved in the break-through and formal establishment of the idea of multiculturalism in Sweden. Actors such as ethnic activists, experts and officials were instrumental in the introduction and establishment of multiculturalism in Sweden, as they also had been in Canada and in Australia. These actors have, however, not previously been recognized and analysed as significant idea-makers and political agents in the case of Sweden. The intertwined connections between activists, social scientists, linguists, and officials facilitated the transfer of the idea of multiculturalism from a publically contested idea to public policy via the way of The Swedish Trade Union Confederation, academia and the Royal Commission of Immigration. The thesis furthermore shows that the political success of the idea of multiculturalism, such as it was within the limits of the universalist social democratic welfare state, was dependent on whom the claims-makers were, the status and positions they held, and the way the idea of multiculturalism was conceptualised and used. It was also dependent on the migratory context of labour immigration in the 1960s and 1970s and on whose behalf the advocates of multiculturalism made their claims. The majority of the labour immigrants were Finnish citizens from the former eastern half of the kingdom of Sweden who were net contributors to the Swedish welfare state. This facilitated the recognition of their ethno-cultural difference, and, following the logic of universalism, the ethno-cultural difference of other minority groups in Sweden. The historical significance of the multicultural moment is still evident in the contemporary immigration and integration policies of Sweden. The affirmation of diversity continues to set Sweden apart from the rest of Europe, now more so than in the 1970s, even though the migratory context has changed radically in the last 40 years.

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Kirjallisuusarvostelu

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Kirjallisuusarvostelu

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INTRODUÇÃO: Investigou-se um universo de 30 crianças e adolescentes portadores de doença renal crônica em tratamento dialítico, assistidos pelo Hospital das Clínicas da UFMG, a fim de determinar fatores de risco para a frequência de peritonites e de internações. MÉTODO: Estudo descritivo em que para a obtenção dos resultados utilizou-se o software SPSS (Statistical Package for Social Science) versão 13.0. Testaram-se as variáveis: baixa escolaridade, baixa renda familiar, nível de informação inadequado, inadequação da antissepsia das mãos para a realização da diálise, ausência de pia no quarto da diálise como fator de risco para maior frequência de peritonites e internações. RESULTADOS: Os valores de Odds Ratio estiveram dentro dos limites dos intervalos de confiança (95%) e em alguns casos foram < 1, indicando a possibilidade de associação negativa entre algumas variáveis independentes e as variáveis pesquisadas, embora sem diferença estatística significativa. CONCLUSÃO: Não foi detectada significância estatística para as variáveis testadas, embora haja uma tendência para a sua ocorrência.

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Responding to a series of articles in sport management literature calling for more diversity in terms of areas of interest or methods, this study warns against the danger of excessively fragmenting this field of research. The works of Kuhn (1962) and Pfeffer (1993) are taken as the basis of an argument that connects convergence with scientific strength. However, being aware of the large number of counterarguments directed at this line of reasoning, a new model of convergence, which focuses on clusters of research contributions with similar areas of interest, methods, and concepts, is proposed. The existence of these clusters is determined with the help of a bibliometric analysis of publications in three sport management journals. This examination determines that there are justified reasons to be concerned about the level of convergence in the field, pointing out to a reduced ability to create large clusters of contributions in similar areas of interest.

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This article explores how characters in The Hunger Games trilogy are portrayed relative to Connell's gendered discourses of hegemonic masculinity, marginal masculinity, and emphasized femininity. We briefly review the plot of The Hunger Games trilogy and then discuss the ways in which three of the characters are represented with respect to societal gendered discourses, heteronormativity, and the use of violence. We argue that the ways in which these aspects are portrayed relate to the main characters' performance of discourses of hegemonic masculinity (Gale), marginalized masculinity (Peeta), and a complex amalgamation of the two that also draws somewhat on emphasized femininity (Katniss). Finally, we conclude that, while the trilogy could be read as taking a feminist stance with a strong female protagonist, it nonetheless also constrains Katniss in heteronormative ways.

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The purpose of this autoethnography was to reflect upon the ways in which my recovery was aided by the personal connections made while volunteering in a homeless shelter. Congruent with autoethnographic best practice, data were collected through a variety of means, including: journaling, field notes, participant observation, and collection of artifacts. An autoethnographic narrative emerged out of the analysis of data detailing my recuperative journey. Results indicated that my time spent volunteering at the shelter: (a) fostered a sense of Community, (b) made me aware of Realizations that broadened my perspective, and (c) aided in motivating me to be Intentional about Improving my Life. These three themes proved to be important factors in my recovery process. This thesis will inform social science researchers and health advocates by making a contribution to the growing body of literature regarding recovery.

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Thèse réalisée en cotutelle avec l'École des hautes études en sciences sociales

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Ce mémoire se veut un examen épistémologique de la thèse psychoévolutionniste de Leda Cosmides et John Tooby, principalement en ce qui concerne la modularité massive. Nous avons tâché de voir si la modularité massive permet de rendre compte des processus mentaux complexes en nous penchant plus particulièrement sur le cas des émotions. Nous explorons d'abord la thèse de Cosmides et Tooby en la distinguant d'avec d'autres conceptions comme l'écologie béhaviorale et en expliquant le rôle particulier que jouent les émotions au sein de la théorie. Nous analysons ensuite la thèse de la modularité massive et les différents arguments théoriques ou empiriques qui l'appuient, et évaluons finalement des critiques de la modularité émises par certains philosophes, dont David Buller.

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Depuis quelques années déjà, la responsabilité de l’éducation à la citoyenneté est principalement confiée à l’enseignement de l’histoire dans le réseau scolaire québécois. Toutefois, aucune étude expérimentale n’a démontré que l’histoire était la matière la plus apte à éduquer à la citoyenneté. Cette recherche vise donc à savoir si les étudiants de niveau collégial transfèrent leurs connaissances historiques dans la résolution d’un problème d'actualité présentant une connotation historique. Le groupe cible de cette recherche est formé de vingt-cinq étudiants de Sciences humaines (ayant des cours d’histoire) et le groupe contrôle est constitué de vingt-cinq étudiants de Science de la nature (n’ayant pas de cours d’histoire). Durant des entrevues semi-dirigées d’une trentaine de minutes, les étudiants avaient à se prononcer sur une entente signée entre les Innus et les gouvernements fédéral et provincial. Une mise en situation leur était présentée préalablement. Il est ressorti peu de différences entre le groupe cible et le groupe contrôle. Ces deux effectifs considérés ensemble, le quart des répondants n’utilisait aucune connaissance historique. Surtout, la variable influençant le plus le transfert des connaissances historiques s’avère être le sexe. Parmi les répondants n’utilisant aucune connaissance historique, il n’y avait qu’un répondant de sexe masculin; et les seuls répondants à avoir utilisé les connaissances conditionnelles étaient tous de sexe masculin. C’est donc dire que le système scolaire québécois ne favoriserait pas suffisamment le transfert des connaissances historiques dans l’analyse de situations actuelles.