Lt. Joy Dallas from the first women's class to graduate at West Point

General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

First class of women to graduate from West Point

General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

First class of women to graduate from West Point

General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

First class of women to enter West Point

General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

First class with women cadets at West Point (women in the military)

General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

Woman graduating from United States Merchant Marine Academy

General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

First class of women at West Point

General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

First class of women to enter West Point

General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

World War II Air Force plaque

General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

First class of women to graduate from West Point

General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

U.S. Coast Guard

General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

Maritime Academy graduation

General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

Second year Cadets Holly Gwyn, Cookie Florecrul, and Holly Getz at West Point

General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

Essays on State-Building and Sectarian Violence

\abstract

This dissertation seeks to explain the role of governmental and non-governmental actors in increasing/reducing the emergence of intergroup conflict after war, when group differences have been a salient aspect of group mobilization. This question emerges from several interrelated branches of scholarship on self-enforcing institutions and power-sharing arrangements, group fragmentation and demographic change, collective mobilization for collectively-targeted violence, and conflict termination and the post-conflict quality of peace. This question is investigated through quantitative analyses performed at the sub-national, national, and cross-national level on the effect of elite competition on the likelihood of violence committed on the basis of group difference after war. These quantitative analyses are each accompanied by qualitative, case study analyses drawn from the American Reconstruction South, Iraq, and Cote d'Ivoire that illustrate and clarify the mechanisms evaluated through quantitative analysis.

Shared findings suggest the correlation of reduced political competition with the increased likelihood of violence committed on the basis of group difference. Separate findings shed light on how covariates related to control over rent extraction and armed forces, decentralization, and citizenship can lead to a reduction in violence. However, these same quantitative analyses and case study analysis suggest that the control of the state can be perceived as a threat after the end of conflict. Further, together these findings suggest the political nature of violence committed on the basis of group difference as opposed to ethnic identity or resource scarcity alone.

Together, these combined analyses shed light on how and why political identities are formed and mobilized for the purpose of committing political violence after war. In this sense, they shed light on the factors that constrain post-conflict violence in deeply divided societies, and contribute to relevant academic, policy, and normative questions.

"Macanas", "tragedias" y "dramas" : Los jueces y su presentación del pasado de terrorismo de Estado en el Juicio por la Verdad de Bahía Blanca, Argentina

El trabajo que aquí se presenta tiene como objetivo indagar en las diferentes manifestaciones sobre el pasado reciente de terrorismo de Estado realizadas por los jueces durante las audiencias de uno de los denominados "Juicios por la Verdad", que se realizó en la ciudad de Bahía Blanca, Argentina entre 1999 y 2000. Se trabajó con una metodología de análisis cualitativo y se utilizaron distintas fuentes de información tales como entrevistas a jueces y abogados de organizaciones de derechos humanos y la totalidad de los videos de las audiencias del Juicio por la Verdad de Bahía Blanca. Como resultado se establece la manera en que estos profesionales del derecho interpretaron el terrorismo de Estado confrontando la posición adoptada por los militares de no brindar información y de reivindicar la "guerra antisubversiva", deslindando a la vez las distintas responsabilidades entre los miembros de las Fuerzas Armadas.