963 resultados para Revolution of April 25, dictatorship, democracy, freedom of expression


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Introduction. The idea that “merit” should be the guiding principle of judicial selections is a universal principle, unlikely to be contested in whatever legal system. What differs considerably across legal cultures, however, is the way in which “merit” is defined. For deeper cultural and historical reasons, the current definition of “merit” in the process of judicial selections in the Czech Republic, at least in the way it is implemented in the institutional settings, is an odd mongrel. The old technocratic Austrian judicial heritage has in some aspects merged with, in others was altered or destroyed, by the Communist past. After 1989, some aspects of the judicial organisation were amended, with the most problematic elements removed. Furthermore, several old as well as new provisions relating to the judiciary were struck down by the Constitutional Court. However, apart from these rather haphazard interventions, there has been neither a sustained discussion as to how a new judicial architecture and system of judicial appointments ought to look like nor much of broader, conceptual reform in this regard. Thus, some twenty five years after the Velvet Revolution of 1989, the guiding principles for judicial selection and appointments are still a debate to be had.

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The ‘Catholic question’ in contemporary Portugal obliges us to consider whether Catholicism will remain a force in Portuguese associational life in the next century, or whether it faces a future of slow and steady decline. On the one hand, an overall statistical drop of church membership, and the lack of religious practice by almost half of self-identified Roman Catholics, suggests that the future of the Catholic Church in Portugal will probably be very different than the past. On the other hand, the church’s support for democratic processes, the important social services it provides, and its educational establishment, have certainly been a positive factor in Portuguese associational life, and helped the larger process of democratic-regime consolidation since the Carnation Revolution of 1974. This paper suggests that social scientists need to move beyond the lens normally applied to the question of Catholicism in contemporary Europe (i.e. it is a dying, anti-modern, anti-rational, conservative institution), and instead consider the complex interplay of its demographic challenges combined with the popular sources of its theological and spiritual strength, as well as its vital societal contributions, to assess whether or not it will remain a force in Portuguese associational life in the future.

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The concept of citizenship is one of the most complicated in political and social sciences. Its long process of historical development makes dealing with it particularly complicated. Citizenship is by nature a multi-dimensional concept: there is a legal citizenship, referring first to the equal legal status of individuals, for instance the equality between men and women. Legal citizenship also refers to a political dimension, the right to start and/or join political parties, or political participation more broadly. Thirdly, it has a religious dimension relating to the right of all religious groups to equally and freely practice their religious customs and rituals. Finally, legal citizenship possesses a socio-economic dimension related to the non-marginalisation of different social categories, for instance women. All of these dimensions, far from being purely objects of legal texts and codifications, are emerging as an arena of political struggle within the Egyptian society. Citizenship as a concept has its roots in European history and, more specifically, the emergence of the nation state in Europe and the ensuing economic and social developments in these societies. These social developments and the rise of the nation state have worked in parallel, fostering the notion of an individual citizen bestowed with rights and obligations. This gradual interaction was very different from what happened in the context of the Arab world. The emerging of the nation state in Egypt was an outcome of modernisation efforts from the top-down; it coercively redesigned the social structure, by eliminating or weakening some social classes in favour of others. These efforts have had an impact on the state-society relation at least in two respects. First, on the overlapping relation between some social classes and the state, and second, on the ability of some social groups to self-organise, define and raise their demands. This study identifies how different political parties in Egypt envision the multi-dimensional concept of citizenship. We focus on the following elements: Nature of the state (identity, nature of the regime) Liberties and rights (election laws, political party laws, etc.) Right to gather and organise (syndicates, associations, etc.) Freedom of expression and speech (right to protest, sit in, strike, etc.) Public and individual liberties (freedom of belief, personal issues, etc.) Rights of marginalised groups (women, minorities, etc.)

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From the Introduction. Arab revolutions have sparked real hopes for democracy, but the situation varies from one state to another and change has taken various directions, with unpredictable outcomes in the future. In light of current events, most of these countries seem to have failed in their democratic transition and also face the dissolution of their state apparatus in bloody civil wars. This leaves the door open to interpretations associating democracy with chaos. In this view, preserving post-colonial states – authoritarian in most cases – is better than having no state at all. This partially justified the coup that took place in Egypt, where the ‘Deep State’ has recovered its capabilities in a dictatorial manner. The Arab world thus faced an impasse: the state is either stable but authoritarian or democratic yet threatened with dissolution. The dilemma results in an impossible choice between stable dictatorship or freedom ending in chaos.

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Vol. 1: Stereotyped ed.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Includes indexes.

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v.1-2 (1st ser.). From the Norman conquest to the accession of Elizabeth.--v.3-4 (2nd ser.). From the accession of Elizabeth to the revolution of 1688.--v.5-6 (3rd ser.). From the revolution of 1688 to the present day.

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A second series was pub. in 1845 by Lea & Blanchard, Philadelphia, under title "Memoranda of a residence at the court of London, comprising incidents official and personal from 1819 to 1825. Including negotiations on the Oregon question, and other unsettled questions between the United States and Great Britain;" also in London by R. Bentley (in 2 vols.) with title slightly changed. The 2d ed. of this series appeared in London, R. Bentley, 1873, under title: The court of London from 1819 to 1825.

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v.1. England from the ancient times, to the reign of Henry the Fifth.--v.2. England from the reign of Henry the Sixth to the Revolution of 1688.

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Includes the author's Dissertation on the progress of ethical philosophy, Review of the causes of the revolution of 1688, Vindicae Gallicae: a defence of the French revolution and its English admirers, against the accusations of the Right Hon. Edmund Burke; with book reviews, speeches in Parliament, etc.

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"References" at end of chapters.

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Thesis (D.M.A.)--University of Washington, 2016-06

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Developmental- and tissue-specific expression of globin genes is mediated by a few key elements within the proximal promoter of each gene. DNA-binding assays previously identified NF-Y, GATA-1, C/EBP beta and C/EBP gamma as candidate regulators of beta-globin transcription via the CCAAT-box, a promoter element situated between CACC- and TATA-boxes. We have identified C/EBP delta as an additional beta-globin CCAAT-box binding protein. In reporter assays, we show that C/EBP delta can co-operate with EKLF, a CACC-box binding protein, to activate the beta-globin promoter, whereas C/EBP gamma inhibits the transcriptional activity of EKLF in this assay. (c) 2005 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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The Mariel boatlift, 25 years later: An approach to the writers and intellectuals who fled the island to engage in artistic creation and freedom of expression. El éxodo del Mariel, 25 años después: Un acercamiento a los escritores e intelectuales que abandonaron la Isla para ejercer la creación artística y la libertad de expresión.