962 resultados para Paleography, Anglo-Saxon.


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This paper explores the ways in which the construction of militarized masculinities in Cold War Canadian media reflected the hegemonic masculinities and broader social trends of the period. This paper focuses specifically on the recruiting materials produced for and by the Canadian Army between 1956 and 1959, the time of the Suez Canal Crisis and the beginnings of “Canadian peacekeeping.” Through the mobilization of modern and anti-modern masculine identities attached to hegemonic and idealized Cold War Canadian masculinities, the Army created the image of the “Modern Warrior” to portray itself as an occupation and culture for “real Canadian men.” This identity simultaneously corresponded with Canada’s new “peacekeeping” identity. By presenting certain images of Canadian manhood as the “ideal” Canadian identity and by associating this “ideal” masculinity with military service, the Army’s recruitment advertisements conflated Cold War rhetoric of service, defence, national citizenship, cultural belonging, and “ideal” ethnicity with a Canadian identity available only to a specific (and often exclusive) segment of society. Because military service has long been considered the crux of citizenship, these advertisements (re)entrenched patterns of middle-class, heterosexual, Anglo- Saxon masculine power and dominance in a time of social uncertainty and cultural anxiety through the reaffirmation of this group’s “privilege” to serve the nation.

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Durante las tres últimas décadas, numerosos/as arqueólogos/as han discutido extensamente sobre el ritual funerario original de las poblaciones del sur ibérico entre los siglos ix y vi a.c., esto es, cremación o inhumación. Este debate está además conectado con la existencia o no de complejidad social antes de la llegada fenicia, con la aparición de una élite “orientalizada” y con la adopción de nuevos objetos y prácticas por las poblaciones locales. En este artículo hago uso del concepto deleuziano de “desterritorialización” y lo asocio con el de “frontera” desarrollado por anzaldúa para interpretar la sociedad del sur ibérico. Para ello, analizo la evidencia funeraria indígena y cuestiono la división estricta entre cremación e inhumación en la región; así como examino la profundidad y significado de los cambios funerarios en las comunidades locales.

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Due to globalisation, the emergence and expansion of new overseas markets, extensive use of information and communication technologies in global trade and growing competition between multinational companies, international Human Resource Management (HRM) is an increasingly attractive and popular area of study. However, much of our knowledge is built on an Anglo-Saxon/ European base and there is a paucity of research that considers the transfer of modern (western) principles of HRM to developing countries, particularly in the Middle East. Arguably, Jordan is one country that may benefit from the promise of quality, equality and profitability offered by the systemic approach to managing people. Thus, this paper introduces a PhD research project, currently in its first year, that considers the transfer of western recruitment and selection frameworks into Jordanian culture.

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In der angelsächsischen analytischen Erziehungsphilosophie wurde ein Konzept allgemeiner Bildung (Liberal education) herausgearbeitet, das den Bildungsanspruch in wissenstheoretischem Rekurs argumentativ zu legitimieren und zu begründen versucht. Dabei geht sie von einem differenzierten Erfahrungs- und Wissensfeld aus, das an öffentliche Standards der Verständigung gebunden ist. Diese Theorie wird an zwei ausgewählten Beispielen geprüft: Einerseits an den US-amerikanischen Debatten um die „cultural literacy" und andererseits an den Auseinandersetzungen um die Einführung des „National Curriculum" in England und Wales. Abschließend wird der Zusammenhang einer wissenstheoretisch fundierten Theorie der Liberal education mit bestimmten politischen Optionen diskutiert. Dabei wird sich zeigen, daß hinsichtlich politischer Zuordnungen dieser Theorie keine systematische Notwendigkeit besteht, und daß das Konzept einer integrierenden Allgemeinbildung in demokratischen, sozialen Staaten unverzichtbar und gleichzeitig nicht beliebig multikulturell ausrichtbar ist. (DIPF/Orig.)

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[es] A lo largo de la historia, los villanos, ya sean reales o imaginarios, han tenido funciones útiles para la sociedad y a menudo han actuado como «válvulas de seguridad» para aliviar las presiones sociales. Esta es probablemente la razón por la que muchos «villanos» han sido definidos como «bandidos sociales», término utilizado originalmente por Eric Hobsbawm para referirse a un forajido quizás mejor ejemplificado por el personaje de Robin Hood en la tradición inglesa. Este bandido social, admirado por todos y en todas partes, que roba a los ricos y reparte el botín entre los pobres, actúa al margen de la ley y personifica asimismo la resistencia a la opresión social y una serie de virtudes más personales. En este artículo, vamos a analizar la forma en que el bandido inglés se ha convertido en un héroe mítico más que legendario. De hecho, el personaje de Robin Hood ha trascendido el tiempo y la cultura, y se ha convertido en el arquetipo del proscrito benevolente, un héroe popular nacido de las frustraciones de una clase inferior que considera que no hay leyes ni reglas en una sociedad injusta, sino la voluntad y el capricho de quien detenta el poder. [en] Throughout history, villains -whether real or imaginary- have served useful functions, especially those of “safety valves” for society. This is probably why many “villains” have been defined as “social bandits”, a term originally used by Eric Hobsbawm to refer to a type best exemplified in the Anglo-Saxon tradition by Robin Hood. This true and widely admired social bandit who steals from the rich and gives to the poor operates outside the law but at the same time personifies both group resistance to oppression and a number of more personal virtues. In this paper, we shall analyse the way in which the English bandit has become a mythical rather than a legendary hero. Indeed, the Robin Hood figure has transcended time and culture, and has become the archetype of the benevolent outlaw, a folk hero born of the frustrations of an underclass that sees the law as the will and whim of the privileged classes above them.

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The article appeared in a Festschrift devoted to a distinguished Polish linguist Professor Alfred F. Majewicz. It discusses the Christian name Alfred born by the Jubilarian in its various aspects: its Anglo-Saxon origins, etymology and popularity (past and present) in various European countries, with particular emphasis on Poland. It also presents some famous people, literary characters and pop culture heroes bearing this name.

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This dissertation traces the ways in which nineteenth-century fictional narratives of white settlement represent “family” as, on the one hand, an abstract theoretical model for a unified and relatively homogenous British settler empire and on the other, a fundamental challenge to ideas about imperial integrity and transnational Anglo-Saxon racial identification. I argue that representations of transoceanic white families in nineteenth-century fictions about Australian settler colonialism negotiate the tension between the bounded domesticity of an insular English nation and the kind of kinship that spans oceans and continents as a result of mass emigration from the British isles to the United States, Canada, New Zealand, and the Australian colonies. As such, these fictions construct productive analogies between the familial metaphors and affective language in the political discourse of “Greater Britain”—-a transoceanic imagined community of British settler colonies and their “mother country” united by race and language—-and ideas of family, gender, and domesticity as they operate within specific bourgeois families. Concerns over the disruption of transoceanic families bear testament to contradictions between the idea of a unified imperial identity (both British and Anglo-Saxon), the proliferation of fractured local identities (such as settlers’ English, Irish Catholic, and Australian nationalisms), and the conspicuous absence of indigenous families from narratives of settlement. I intervene at the intersection of postcolonial literary criticism and gender theory by examining the strategic deployments of heteronormative kinship metaphors and metonymies in the rhetorical consolidation of settler colonial space. Settler colonialism was distinct from the “civilizing” domination of subject peoples in South Asia in that it depended on the rhetorical construction of colonial territory as empty space or as land occupied by nearly extinct “primitive” races. This dissertation argues that political rhetoric, travel narratives, and fiction used the image of white female bourgeois reproductive power and sentimental attachment as a technology for settler colonial success, embodying this technology both in the benevolent figure of the metropolitan “mother country” (the paternalistic female counter to the material realities of patriarchal and violent settler colonial practices) and in fictional juxtapositions of happy white settler fecund families with the solitary self-extinguishing figure of the black aboriginal “savage.” Yet even in the narratives where the continuity and coherence of families across imperial space is questioned—-and “Greater Britain” itself—-domesticity and heteronormative familial relations effectively rewrite settler space as white, Anglo-Saxon and bourgeois, and the sentimentalism of troubled European families masks the presence and genocide of indigenous aboriginal peoples. I analyze a range of novels and political texts, canonical and non-canonical, metropolitan and colonial. My introductory first chapter examines the discourse on a “Greater Britain” in the travel narratives of J.A. Froude, Charles Wentworth Dilke, and Anthony Trollope and in the Oxbridge lectures of Herman Merivale and J.R. Seeley. These writers make arguments for an imperial economy of affect circulating between Britain and the settler colonies that reinforces political connections, and at times surpasses the limits of political possibility by relying on the language of sentiment and feeling to build a transoceanic “Greater British” community. Subsequent chapters show how metropolitan and colonial fiction writers, including Charles Dickens, Anthony Trollope, Marcus Clarke, Henry Kingsley, and Catherine Helen Spence, test the viability of this “Greater British” economy of affect by presenting transoceanic family connections and structures straining under the weight of forces including the vast distances between colonies and the “mother country,” settler violence, and the transportation system.

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The aim of this article was to examine how the currently dominant neoliberal and neoconservative discourse is present in the sector of education. The subject of research was to show the influence of a certain ideology on the process of reformulating secondary schools curricula in Canada, especially in Ontario, and the program materials designed for adult immigrants preparing for a citizenship test. This paper explores the relationship between the neoliberal ideology present at the provincial level, where individual development and economic rationales are dominant, and the neoconservative ideology at the federal level, which recovers imperial roots of Canadian citizenship, grounded in the Anglo-Saxon tradition and colonial history.

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Thèse réalisée en cotutelle avec l'Université Paris-Sorbonne et l'Université de Montréal. Composition du jury : M. Laurent Cugny (Université Paris-Sorbonne) ; M. Michel Duchesneau (Université de Montréal) ; M. Philippe Gumplowicz (Université d'Evry-Val d'Essonne) ; Mme Barbara Kelly (Keele University - Royal Northern College of Music) ; M. François de Médicis (Université de Montréal) ; M. Christopher Moore (Université d'Ottawa)

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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Direito, Programa de Pòs-Graduação em Direito, 2015.

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Au Québec, la mémoire de la Grande Guerre renvoie automatiquement à une vision douloureuse de l’événement. Créée et alimentée par des souvenirs à forte charge émotive tels la crise de la conscription, les émeutes de Pâques et l’inhospitalité de l’Armée canadienne envers les combattants canadiens-français, cette mémoire est non seulement négative, mais également victimisante. Dans leur récit du conflit, les Québécois ont pris pour vérité une version qui les dépeint comme boucs émissaires des Canadiens anglais. Acceptée et intégrée autant dans l’historiographie que dans la croyance collective, cette thèse du Canadien français opprimé n’a jamais été questionnée. Ce mémoire entend donc revisiter cette version en la confrontant aux sources laissées par les contemporains. En utilisant la presse anglophone et les témoignages de combattants, il lève le voile sur le regard anglo-saxon envers les Canadiens français et dans une plus large mesure, sur les relations interethniques pendant la guerre. Il témoigne de la réalité du front intérieur comme de celle du champ de bataille pour ainsi proposer une réinterprétation de cette victimisation si profondément ancrée dans le souvenir québécois.

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Au Québec, la mémoire de la Grande Guerre renvoie automatiquement à une vision douloureuse de l’événement. Créée et alimentée par des souvenirs à forte charge émotive tels la crise de la conscription, les émeutes de Pâques et l’inhospitalité de l’Armée canadienne envers les combattants canadiens-français, cette mémoire est non seulement négative, mais également victimisante. Dans leur récit du conflit, les Québécois ont pris pour vérité une version qui les dépeint comme boucs émissaires des Canadiens anglais. Acceptée et intégrée autant dans l’historiographie que dans la croyance collective, cette thèse du Canadien français opprimé n’a jamais été questionnée. Ce mémoire entend donc revisiter cette version en la confrontant aux sources laissées par les contemporains. En utilisant la presse anglophone et les témoignages de combattants, il lève le voile sur le regard anglo-saxon envers les Canadiens français et dans une plus large mesure, sur les relations interethniques pendant la guerre. Il témoigne de la réalité du front intérieur comme de celle du champ de bataille pour ainsi proposer une réinterprétation de cette victimisation si profondément ancrée dans le souvenir québécois.

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Dans les années 1931-32, les disputes à propos du traité de Versailles accompagnent la montée du fascisme et de la Grande Dépression en Allemagne. Les dirigeants anglosaxons ont justifié leur appui du Reich par leurs opinions publiques et des historiens ont expliqué que ces dernières s’étaient bercées d’illusions sur les enjeux allemands. Mais quelles étaient et d’où provenaient-elles ? Notre étude de quotidiens français, américains et britanniques montre qu’elles n’étaient pas uniquement constituées d’erreurs d’appréciation des réalités objectives, mais aussi de faits occultés, d’inventions, d’une guerre médiatique justifiant les choix de certains dirigeants financiers et politiques anglo-saxons. La diffusion rapide des mêmes inventions des deux côtés de l’Atlantique suggère l’existence de canaux de « fabrique d’opinions » entre l’Allemagne, la Grande-Bretagne, et les États-Unis.

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This thesis investigates the place-names of four parishes in Berwickshire and compares coastal and inland naming patterns. Berwickshire is a large county that borders on northern England and historically formed part of Anglo-Saxon Northumbria. Partly due to the survival of extensive archives from the medieval priory of Coldingham, preserved in Durham Cathedral Archives, this county holds some of Scotland’s earliest recorded place- names. The parishes that form the research area are grouped together in the north-east of the county. Two of these parishes, Abbey St Bathans and Bunkle & Preston, are inland, and two, Cockburnspath and Coldingham, have extensive coastlines. The diversity of this group of parishes allows a comparative study of the place-names of coastal and inland areas to be undertaken. The topography of Berwickshire’s thirty-two parishes is very varied, and the four parishes have been chosen to reflect this range of landscapes. The place-names within the four parishes examined in this thesis derive almost exclusively from Old English, Older Scots, Modern Scots including Standard Scottish English, with a small minority derived from Old Norse, Gaelic, and Brittonic. The chronology of Old English, Older Scots, and Modern Scots is defined as given in the Concise Scots Dictionary: Old English is the period up to 1100, Older Scots is the period 1100-1700, and Modern Scots is the period 1700 onwards (CSD, 1985: xiii). Often with place-names it is not possible to give a precise dating for the coining of a toponym. For the purposes of this study, the language label given for a toponym is that of the date of the earliest record of the place-name with earlier linguistic evidence supplementing discussion. This thesis focuses on the names of topographic features, for example hills, rocks and woodland, and the role of perception in their naming. In order to compare the role of perception in inland and coastal naming, this thesis includes a diachronic study of the toponymy of the research area, along with two case studies. The first of these is a study of the toponymy of relief features, which focuses on generic elements in order to compare the perception of one type of referent in the two environments. The second is a study of the ‘colour’ category, which focuses on qualifying elements in order to compare the use of colour terms in the two environments. This thesis is the first comparative study of inland and coastal place-names, and it is one of the first to investigate new ways of using fieldwork as a central part of its methodology. In doing so it proposes innovative and nuanced ways to understand the toponymy of diverse landscapes within a community.

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Prescott, Sarah, ''What Foes more dang'rous than too strong Allies?': Anglo-Welsh relations in eighteenth-century London', The Huntington Library Quarterly (2006) 69 (4) pp.535-554 RAE2008