828 resultados para New economy
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Les débats économiques au 19e siècle, loin d’être l’apanage du monde universitaire, étaient aux États-Unis un des principaux objets de contentieux entre les partis politiques et ceux-ci trouvaient écho dans la sphère publique. Les journaux étaient alors le principal moyen de communiquer les opinions des différents partis. La présente étude vise à mettre en contexte et cerner la position des écrits du plus important économiste américain de son époque, Henry Charles Carey (1793-1879), reconnu comme tel par J.S. Mill et Karl Marx en leur temps, lors de la décennie de 1850 dans le journal le plus influent de cette période, le New York Tribune. Pour ce faire, il a fallu au préalable identifier les articles non signés de Carey dans le journal, ce qui n’avait auparavant jamais été fait. Au moment d’écrire dans le principal organe américain qui défendait la protection aux États-Unis afin d’industrialiser le pays, Carey était alors le représentant le plus prééminent du système américain d’économie. Ce dernier, fondé sur les écrits d’Alexander Hamilton, prônait l’industrialisation des États-Unis et l’intervention de l’État pour défendre le bien commun, s’opposant ainsi à l’école libérale anglaise basée sur les écrits d’Adam Smith. Conceptuellement, la pensée économique de Carey se situe dans la tradition des Autres Canon, basée sur la production et l’innovation. Ceci le mena à s’opposer avec vigueur tant au malthusianisme qu’à la division internationale du travail, justifiée théoriquement par la thèse de l’avantage comparatif de Ricardo. En effet, dans son analyse, la volonté exprimée au milieu du 19e siècle par l’Angleterre de devenir l’atelier du monde et de faire du reste des nations des producteurs de matières premières sous un régime de libre-échange n’était rien d’autre que la continuation de la politique coloniale par d’autres moyens. Pour Carey, la spécialisation dans l’exportation de matières premières, notamment défendue par les planteurs du Sud des États-Unis, loin d’être bénéfique au pays, était le sûr gage de la pauvreté comme les cas de l’Irlande et de l’Inde le démontraient.
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The rapid growth of the populous Asian economies provokes profound economic changes and a shift in the balance of power. On the economic front, Asian leaders are confronted with the need to preserve the stability that has underpinned their prosperity, maintain an environment conducive to trade and investments and encourage domestic consumption while avoiding ecological disasters. Internationally, business competition will intensify with the strong presence of Asian manufacturers in global supply chains, growing price competition from Asian firms in domestic markets and global competition for energy, food, minerals and other commodities. Geopolitical concerns stem, in part, from Asia’s global quest for critical resources, conflicting territorial and maritime disputes and increasing military expenditures which affect security dynamics. China’s assertiveness over its periphery prompts an arm’s race in the region and concerns about Sino-American relations even though U.S.-Chinese relations may be less risky than China’s relations with its neighbours. The United States remains a key player in the Asia-Pacific region, with the capacity to alter balances and affect outcomes. Globally, the United States capacity to lead is now diminished and will continue to be so for the foreseeable future. Since no rising power is capable of exercising global leadership, a return to the "old normal" where no one power in geopolitical or economic terms dominates the world is to be expected.
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This paper is an attempt to map the global land acquisitions with a focus on Indian MNCs in acquiring overseas land for agricultural purposes. It tries to outline the contemporary political economy of capital accumulation at the global level, especially, in the emerging developing economies like India and China, where the emergence of a new capitalist class has engaged itself into acquisition of land and control of other natural resources in Africa, Latin America, Eastern Europe and South East Asia, for example, water and other minerals to secure itself from the eventual losses of ongoing economic crisis and to earn profit from the volatile agricultural commodity markets. This sway of control of resources by the MNCs has got paramount State support under the helm of neoliberal policies. The paper provides scale of overseas land acquisitions at the current juncture and tries to highlight its causes and the major implications associated with it.
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This paper provides a preliminary formulation of a new currency based on knowledge. Through a literature review of alternative currencies, various properties and benefits are selected that we hope will enable such a currency to be created. Nowadays not only money but also knowledge is necessary to do business. For instance, knowledge about markets and consumers is highly valuable but difficult to achieve, and even more difficult to store, transport or trade. The basic premise of this proposal is a knowledge measurement pattern that is formulated as a new alternative social currency. Therefore, it is an additional means of contributing to the worldwide evolution of a knowledge society. It is intended as a currency to facilitate the conservation and storage of knowledge, and its organization and categorization, but mainly its exploitation and transference
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This is a talk on the new University Open Data Service, some of the applications it's already being put to, and some of the things we hope to do next.
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This article seeks to demonstrate how Law inter-related with Economy, constitutes in modern societies one of the main instruments for the construction of citizen consensus or the construction of political hegemony in modern societies. If we consider this affirmation —as is argued here— the transformations suffered in recent decades by Law as a consequence of the new phase of capitalistic globalization, have played an important role in the constitution of a new subjectivity (“single thought”) in the population.
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Due to the rapid and effective success of countries in the Pacific Rim for the last two decades, current world trade attention has been focussed on what appears to be the common vision of the ‘Pacific Century’. Reducing attention from the Atlantic and focusing it on the Pacific represents a new challenge for countries touching this ocean. The main Latin American economies bordering the pacific have taken upon this challenge with the creation of the Pacific Alliance in 2011. In this way, Chile, Colombia, Mexico and Peru intend to penetrate and increase trade with the region by forming a coalition. The Pacific Alliance has attracted international attention, interest and support from nations around the world, counting 32 countries as observers; 7 are actually located in the region and six of them rank amongst the Top 15 world economies. As is expected, the possibility of closer trade engagement with big players such as China, India, Japan, South Korea or Australia absorb the main attention of media, governments and academics alike, leaving behind other feasible and possible opportunities unattended. That is precisely the case of New Zealand and its favourable commerce opportunities with the Pacific Alliance. The following document will study the major trends and variations in trade between New Zealand, the Pacific Alliance and its members between 2010 and 2014. Proving that mutual trade is most likely to keep on growing.
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This paper draws on ethnographic case-study research conducted amongst a group of first and second generation immigrant children in six inner-city schools in London. It focuses on language attitudes and language choice in relation to cultural maintenance, on the one hand, and career aspirations on the other. It seeks to provide insight into some of the experiences and dilemmatic choices encountered and negotiations engaged in by transmigratory groups, how they define cultural capital, and the processes through which new meanings are shaped as part of the process of defining a space within the host society. Underlying this discussion is the assumption that alternative cultural spaces in which multiple identities and possibilities can be articulated already exist in the rich texture of everyday life amongst transmigratory groups. The argument that whilst the acquisition of 'world languages' is a key variable in accumulating cultural capital, the maintenance of linguistic diversity retains potent symbolic power in sustaining cohesive identities is a recurring theme.
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This paper juxtaposes postmodernist discourses on language, identity and cultural power with historical forms of language inequalities grounded in the nation-state. The discussion is presented in three sections. The first section focuses on the mixed legacies of language-state relations within the pluralist nation-state, colonial and postcolonial language policies. The second section examines the concept of linguistic minority rights beyond the nation-state. This incorporates discussion of transmigration, the breaking up of previous power blocs in Eastern Europe and the role of language in the articulation of emergent 'ethnic' nationalisms. The third section examines the concept of multilingualism within the interactive cultural landscape defined by 'informationalism'. Discussing the collective impact of these variables on the shaping of new cultural, economic and political inequalities, the paper highlights the tensions in which the concept of linguistic minority rights exists in the world today.
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School effectiveness is a microtechnology of change. It is a relay device, which transfers macro policy into everyday processes and priorities in schools. It is part of the growing apparatus of performance evaluation. Change is brought about by a focus on the school as a site-based system to be managed. There has been corporate restructuring in response to the changing political economy of education. There are now new work regimes and radical changes in organizational cultures. Education, like other public services, is now characterized by a range of structural realignments, new relationships between purchasers and providers and new coalitions between management and politics. In this article, we will argue that the school effectiveness movement is an example of new managerialism in education. It is part of an ideological and technological process to industrialize educational productivity. That is to say, the emphasis on standards and standardization is evocative of production regimes drawn from industry. There is a belief that education, like other public services can be managed to ensure optimal outputs and zero defects in the educational product.
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There is general agreement across the world that human-made climate change is a serious global problem,although there are still some sceptics who challenge this view. Research in organization studies on the topic is relatively new. Much of this research, however, is instrumental and managerialist in its focus on ‘win-win’ opportunities for business or its treatment of climate change as just another corporate social responsibility (CSR) exercise. In this paper, we suggest that climate change is not just an environmental problem requiring technical and managerial solutions; it is a political issue where a variety of organizations – state agencies, firms, industry associations, NGOs and multilateral organizations – engage in contestation as well as collaboration over the issue. We discuss the strategic, institutional and political economy dimensions of climate change and develop a socioeconomic regimes approach as a synthesis of these different theoretical perspectives. Given the urgency of the problem and the need for a rapid transition to a low-carbon economy, there is a pressing need for organization scholars to develop a better understanding of apathy and inertia in the face of the current crisis and to identify paths toward transformative change. The seven papers in this special issue address these areas of research and examine strategies, discourses, identities and practices in relation to climate change at multiple levels.
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What are the microfoundations of dynamic capabilities that sustain competitive advantage in a highly volatile environment, such as a transition economy? We explore the detailed nature of these dynamic capabilities along with their antecedents by tracing the sequence of their development based on a longitudinal case study of an organization subject to an external context of radical transition — the Russian oil company, Yukos. Our rich qualitative data indicate two distinct types of dynamic capabilities that are pivotal for organizational transformation. Adaptation dynamic capabilities relate to routines of resource exploitation and deployment, which are supported by acquisition, internalization and dissemination of extant knowledge, as well as resource reconfiguration, divestment and integration. Innovation dynamic capabilities relate to the creation of completely new capabilities via exploration and path-creation processes, which are supported by search, experimentation and risk taking, as well as project selection, funding and implementation. Second, we find that sequencing the two types of dynamic capabilities, helped the organization both to secure short-term competitive advantage, and to create the basis for long-term competitive advantage. These dynamic capability constructs advance theoretical understanding of what dynamic capabilities are, whilst their sequencing explains how firms create, leverage and enhance them over time.