932 resultados para Mount Macedon (Vic.) -- Social conditions


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The aim of this study was to explore female community health agents’ views about the value of recording qualitative information on contextual health issues they observe during home visits, data that are not officially required to be documented for the Brazilian System of Primary Healthcare Information. Background: The study was conducted in community primary healthcare centres located in the cities of Araçatuba and Coroados (state of São Paulo) and Rio de Janeiro (state of Rio de Janeiro), Brazil. Methods: The design was a qualitative, exploratory study. The purposeful sampling criteria were being female, with a minimum of three years of continuous service in the same location. Data collection with 62 participants was conducted via 11 focus groups (in 2007 and 2008). Audio files were transcribed and submitted to the method of thematic analysis. Four themes guided the analysis: working with qualitative information and undocumented observation; reflecting on qualitative information; integrating/analysing quantitative and qualitative information; and information-sharing with agents and family health teams. In 2010, 25 community health agents verified the final interpretation of the findings. Findings: Participants valued the recording of qualitative, contextual information to expand understanding of primary healthcare issues and as an indicator of clients’ improved health behaviour and health literacy. While participants initiated the recording of additional health information, they generally did not inform the family health team about these findings. They perceived that team members devalued this type of information by considering it a reflection of the clientele’s social conditions or problems beyond the scope of medical concerns. Documentation of qualitative evidence can account for the effectiveness of health education in two ways: by improving preventative care, and by amplifying the voices of underprivileged clients who live in poverty to ensure the most appropriate and best quality primary healthcare for them.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

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Pós-graduação em Educação - IBRC

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The purpose of the present study was to assess quality of life (QoL) in Brazilian women living with HIV/AIDS, according to the World Health Organization Quality of Life HIV-BREF (WHOQoL-HIV-BREF) domains. A quantitative-based, cross-sectional, analytical study was carried out in healthcare centers specialized in assisting people living with HIV/AIDS, located in a municipality of the state of Sao Paulo, Brazil. One hundred and six women of age 18 years or more, users of the public healthcare system, participated in the study. Socio-demographic and clinical variables were collected using a specific questionnaire. Quality of life related variables were collected by means of the WHOQoL-HIV-BREF instrument. As per the QoL domains, study results show that the Spirituality domain reached a standardized mean score of 65.7, followed by the Physical (64.7), Psychological (60.6), Social Relationships (59.5), Independence (58.6), and Environment (54.5) domains. Results of the multiple regression analysis indicate that the women's employment or retirement, income greater than the minimum wage, and higher educational level were associated with a higher standardized mean score of QoL. However, recent HIV/AIDS diagnosis and exposure to antiretroviral agents for a period shorter than two years were negatively associated with QoL. It is critical that public policies favor an all-embracing social inclusion of these women, thus promoting better social conditions. Counseling, clinical follow-up immediately after the infection diagnosis, and initiation of antiretroviral treatment are crucial moments in the lives of these individuals.

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Determining the groups that are most susceptible to developing disability is essential to establishing effective prevention and rehabilitation strategies. The aim of the present study was to determine gender differences in the incidence of disability regarding activities of daily living (ADL) and determinants among elderly residents of Sao Paulo, Brazil. In 2000, 1634 elderly with no difficulties regarding ADL (modified Katz Index) were selected. These activities were reassessed in 2006 and disability was the outcome for the analysis of determinants. The following characteristics were analyzed at baseline: sociodemographic, behavioral, health status, medications, falls, hospitalizations, depressive symptoms, cognition, handgrip, mobility and balance. The incidence density was 42.4/1000 women/year and 17.5/1000 men/year. After adjusting for socioeconomic status and health conditions, women with chronic diseases and social vulnerability continued to have a greater incidence of disability. The following were determinants of the incidence of disability: age and depressive symptoms in both genders; stroke and slowness on the sit-and-stand test among men; and osteoarthritis and sedentary lifestyle among women. Better cognitive performance and handgrip strength were protective factors among men and women, respectively. Adverse clinical and social conditions determine differences between genders regarding the incidence of disability. Decreased mobility and balance and health conditions that affect the central nervous system or lead to impaired cognition disable men more, whereas a sedentary lifestyle, reduction in muscle strength and conditions that affect the osteoarticular system disable women more. (C) 2012 Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.

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Monteiro Lobato's opinions with regard to the health and disease themes were not restricted to Jeca Tatu's condition; he went beyond, and his opinions and reports about the illness experience can be observed in several excerpts of his adult work. This paper highlights the health and illness conceptions observed in Monteiro Lobato's writings. Through the analysis of his adult work, we could learn about his opinions and reports on his beloved ones' experience of being sick, the possibility that the disease offers of socializing individuals, medical corporativism, his participation in the Pro-Sanitation League, some paternalistic health practices and the vulnerability of those with unfavorable social conditions, among other topics, in some occasions with comical characteristics, in others with resignation and even anger. Therefore, this study analyzed his adult work, discussing the excerpts that deal with health and illness experienced in the first decades of the 20th century.

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Purpose: To test the association between income inequality and elderly self-rated health and to propose a pathway to explain the relationship. Methods: We analyzed a sample of 2143 older individuals (60 years of age and over) from 49 distritos of the Municipality of Sao Paulo, Brazil. Bayesian multilevel logistic models were performed with poor self-rated health as the outcome variable. Results: Income inequality (measured by the Gini coefficient) was found to be associated with poor self-rated health after controlling for age, sex, income and education (odds ratio, 1.19; 95% credible interval, 1.01-1.38). When the practice of physical exercise and homicide rate were added to the model, the Gini coefficient lost its statistical significance (P>.05). We fitted a structural equation model in which income inequality affects elderly health by a pathway mediated by violence and practice of physical exercise. Conclusions: The health of older individuals may be highly susceptible to the socioeconomic environment of residence, specifically to the local distribution of income. We propose that this association may be mediated by fear of violence and lack of physical activity. (C) 2012 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

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Este trabalho tem por objetivo investigar e delimitar formas de interação e disputas sociais presentes no movimento paralímpico brasileiro, relativos aos processos de classificação de atletas, com base em conceitos de Pierre Bourdieu. A metodologia utilizada fundamentou-se em entrevistas semiestruturadas com quatro atletas (com deficiência física ou visual, praticantes de diversas modalidades: natação, goalball, rugby e basquete em cadeira de rodas) e quatro dirigentes (2 atuantes em funções técnicas e 2 em funções administrativas do Comitê Paralímpico Brasileiro). A análise de dados apoiou-se no método Discurso do Sujeito Coletivo e suas ferramentas metodológicas (expressões-chave; ideias centrais; ancoragens; instrumentos de análise de discurso). Destacam-se como resultados: os protocolos de classificação, assim como a atuação e formação de novos classificadores, são motivo de tensões sociais neste espaço; Os classificadores exercem importante poder simbólico no subcampo; Demais agentes, como treinadores e atletas, têm suas possibilidades de ascensão diminuídas por condições sociais desfavoráveis..

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The globalization process of the last twenty years has changed the world through international flows of people, policies and practices. International cooperation to development is a part of that process and brought International Organizations (IOs) and Non Governmental Organizations (NGOs) from the West to the rest of the world. In my thesis I analyze the Italian NGOs that worked in Bosnia Herzegovina (BH) to understand which development projects they realized and how they faced the ethnic issue that characterized BH. I consider the relation shaped between Italian NGOs and Bosnian civil society as an object of ethnic interests. In BH, once part of former Yugoslavia, the transition from the communist regime to a democratic country has not been completed. BH’s social conditions are characterized by strong ethnic divisions. The legacy of the early 1990s crisis was a phenomenon of ethnic identities created before the war and that still endure today. The Dayton Peace Agreement signed in 1995 granted the peace and reinforced the inter-ethnic hate between the newly recognized three principal ethnicities: Serbs, Croats and Bosniak. Through the new constitution, the institutions were characterized by division at every level, from the top to the bottom of society. Besides it was the first constitution ever written and signed outside the own country; that was the root of the state of exception that characterized BH. Thus ethnic identities culture survived through the international political involvement. At the same time ethnic groups that dominated the political debate clashed with the international organization’s democratic purpose to build a multicultural and democratic state. Ethnic and also religious differences were the instruments for a national statement that might cause the transition and development projects failure. Fifteen years later social fragmentation was still present and it established an atmosphere of daily cultural violence. Civil society suffered this condition and attended to recreate the ethnic fragmentation in every day life. Some cities became physically divided and other cities don’t tolerated the minority presence. In rural areas, the division was more explicit, from village to village, without integration. In my speech, the anthropology for development – the derivative study from applied anthropology – constitutes the point of view that I used to understand how ethnic identities still influenced the development process in BH. I done ethnographic research about the Italian cooperation for development projects that were working there in 2007. The target of research were the Italian NGOs that created a relation with Bosnian civil society; they were almost twenty divided in four main field of competences: institutional building, education, agriculture and democratization. I assumed that NGOs work needed a deep study because the bottom of society is the place where people could really change their representation and behavior. Italian NGOs operated in BH with the aim of creating sustainable development. They found cultural barricade that both institutions and civil society erected when development projects have been applied. Ethnic and religious differences were stressed to maintain boundaries and fragmented power. Thus NGOs tried to negotiate development projects by social integration. I found that NGOs worked among ethnic groups by pursuing a new integration. They often gained success among people; civil society was ready to accept development projects and overcome differences. On the other hand NGOs have been limited by political level that sustained the ethnic talk and by their representation of Bosnian issue. Thus development policies have been impeded by ethnic issue and by cooperation practices established on a top down perspective. Paradoxically, since international community has approved the political ethnic division within DPA, then the willing of development followed by funding NGOs cooperation projects was not completely successful.

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Questa ricerca si pone come obbiettivo lo studio e l’analisi delle diverse manifestazioni del gioco d’azzardo nella Bologna della fine del XIX secolo. Partendo dall’assunto che le forme ludiche non rappresentino solo una pratica, né soltanto un fatto sociale o economico ma sono piuttosto la somma di diverse componenti, ci si è proposti di studiare la storia a partire da uno specifico punto di vista: quello dei giochi e dei giocatori legati alle pratiche del rischio. Tramite le carte d’archivio della polizia e altri documenti dell’epoca si sono indagati i diversi aspetti del fenomeno dell’azzardo: i luoghi in cui essi venivano praticati, le norme che li regolavano, gli strati sociali entro cui venivano giocati, le mutazioni delle condizioni politiche e sociali che portarono al cambiamento delle diverse forme ludiche e delle comunità che lo hanno praticato e contestualmente si è cercato di comprendere come cambino e come permangano la percezione del rischio, l’idea di competizione, la stessa attitudine al gioco.

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In this critical analysis of sociological studies of the political subsystem in Yugoslavia since the fall of communism Mr. Ilic examined the work of the majority of leading researchers of politics in the country between 1990 and 1996. Where the question of continuity was important, he also looked at previous research by the writers in question. His aim was to demonstrate the overall extent of existing research and at the same time to identify its limits and the social conditions which defined it. Particular areas examined included the problems of defining basic concepts and selecting the theoretically most relevant indicators; the sources of data including the types of authentic materials exploited; problems of research work (contacts, field control, etc.); problems of analysisl and finally the problems arising from different relations with the people who commission the research. In the first stage of the research, looking at methods of defining key terms, special attention was paid to the analysis of the most frequently used terms such as democracy, totalitarianism, the political left and right, and populism. Numerous weaknesses were noted in the analytic application of these terms. In studies of the possibilities of creating a democratic political system in Serbia and its possible forms (democracy of the majority or consensual democracy), the profound social division of Serbian society was neglected. The left-right distinction tends to be identified with the government-opposition relation, in the way of practical politics. The idea of populism was used to pass responsibility for the policy of war from the manipulator to the manipulated, while the concept of totalitarianism is used in a rather old-fashioned way, with echoes of the cold war. In general, the terminology used in the majority of recent research on the political subsystem in Yugoslavia is characterised by a special ideological style and by practical political material, rather than by developed theoretical effort. The second section of analysis considered the wider theoretical background of the research and focused on studies of the processes of transformation and transition in Yugoslav society, particularly the work of Mladen Lazic and Silvano Bolcic, who he sees as representing the most important and influential contemporary Yugoslav sociologists. Here Mr. Ilic showed that the meaning of empirical data is closely connected with the stratification schemes towards which they are oriented, so that the same data can have different meanings in shown through different schemes. He went on to show the observed theoretical frames in the context of wider ideological understanding of the authors' ideas and research. Here the emphasis was on the formalistic character of such notions as command economy and command work which were used in analysing the functioning and the collapse of communist society, although Mr. Ilic passed favourable judgement on the Lazic's critique of political over-determination in its various attempts to explain the disintegration of the communist political (sub)system. The next stage of the analysis was devoted to the problem of empirical identification of the observed phenomena. Here again the notions of the political left and right were of key importance. He sees two specific problems in using these notion in talking about Yugoslavia, the first being that the process of transition in the FR Yugoslavia has hardly begun. The communist government has in effect remained in power continuously since 1945, despite the introduction of a multi-party system in 1990. The process of privatisation of public property was interrupted at a very early stage and the results of this are evident on the structural level in the continuous weakening of the social status of the middle class and on the political level because the social structure and dominant form of property direct the majority of votes towards to communists in power. This has been combined with strong chauvinist confusion associated with the wars in Croatia and Bosnia, and these ideas were incorporated by all the relevant Yugoslav political parties, making it more difficult to differentiate between them empirically. In this context he quotes the situation of the stream of political scientists who emerged in the Faculty of Political Science in Belgrade. During the time of the one-party regime, this faculty functioned as ideological support for official communist policy and its teachers were unable to develop views which differed from the official line, but rather treated all contrasting ideas in the same way, neglecting their differences. Following the introduction of a multi-party system, these authors changed their idea of a public enemy, but still retained an undifferentiated and theoretically undeveloped approach to the issue of the identification of political ideas. The fourth section of the work looked at problems of explanation in studying the political subsystem and the attempts at an adequate causal explanation of the triumph of Slobodan Milosevic's communists at four subsequent elections was identified as the key methodological problem. The main problem Mr. Ilic isolated here was the neglect of structural factors in explaining the voters' choice. He then went on to look at the way empirical evidence is collected and studied, pointing out many mistakes in planning and determining the samples used in surveys as well as in the scientifically incorrect use of results. He found these weaknesses particularly noticeable in the works of representatives of the so-called nationalistic orientation in Yugoslav sociology of politics, and he pointed out the practical political abuses which these methodological weaknesses made possible. He also identified similar types of mistakes in research by Serbian political parties made on the basis of party documentation and using methods of content analysis. He found various none-sided applications of survey data and looked at attempts to apply other sources of data (statistics, official party documents, various research results). Mr. Ilic concluded that there are two main sets of characteristics in modern Yugoslav sociological studies of political subsystems. There are a considerable number of surveys with ambitious aspirations to explain political phenomena, but at the same time there is a clear lack of a developed sociological theory of political (sub)systems. He feels that, in the absence of such theory, most researcher are over-ready to accept the theoretical solutions found for interpretation of political phenomena in other countries. He sees a need for a stronger methodological bases for future research, either 1) in complementary usage of different sources and ways of collecting data, or 2) in including more of a historical dimension in different attempts to explain the political subsystem in Yugoslavia.

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In what follows, I explore why the question of ‘access for all’ is both important and difficult. Beginning by treating it as a contested claim, I will consider some of its political, institutional and professional implications. What do I mean by saying that access for all is a contested claim? First of all, it is a claim – a demand that access for all needs to be created. It is a claim about change. To demand ‘access for all’ is to speak about, and speak against, social conditions that are unjust, unequal or excluding. At its simplest, then, to claim ‘access for all’ is to address social arrangements in which all people do not have access. Secondly, it is a claim made by – or on behalf of – specific social groups against their experience of exclusion, marginalization or subordination. I have added these other terms because I think that ‘exclusion’ is too simple, and too problematic, a term to capture all the aspects of unjust social arrangements that produce claims for ‘access’.1 Access is a demand to be treated equitably in relation to a range of valued social resources, conditions and relationships. It is a claim to be a member: of the society, the polity or the nation. It is a claim to be a citizen: to possess rights and the capacity to make legitimate demands on the state. It is a claim on the apparatuses and agencies that sustain social citizenship: citizenship brings with it access to benefits, services and rights of ‘fair dealing’ or ‘fair treatment’. As this last point suggests, it is a claim about equality: the expectation that all citizens will be dealt with by public agencies in ways that are not discriminatory or oppressive.

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This paper asks: is it a fact that there is more violence in districts affected by Naxalite (Maoist) activity compared to those which are free of Naxalite activity? And can the existence of Naxalite activity in some districts of India, but not in others, be explained by differences in economic and social conditions? This study identifies districts in India in which there was significant Naxalite activity and correlating the findings with district-level economic, social, and crime indicators. The econometric results show that, after controlling for other variables, Naxalite activity in a district had, if anything, a dampening effect on its level of violent crime and crimes against women. Furthermore, even after controlling for other variables, the probability of a district being Naxalite-affected rose with an increase in its poverty rate and fell with a rise in its literacy rate. So, one prong in an anti-Naxalite strategy would be to address the twin issues of poverty and illiteracy in India.

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Insufficient and unrepresentative participation in voluntary public hearings and policy discussions has been problematic since Aristotle's time. In fisheries, research has shown that involvement is dominated by financially resourceful and extreme-opinion stakeholders and tends to advantage groups that have a lower cost of attendance. Stakeholders may exhibit only one or all of these traits but can be still similarly advantaged. The opposites of these traits tend to characterize the disadvantaged, such as the middle-ground opinions, the less wealthy or organized, and the more remote stakeholders. Remoteness or distance is the most straightforward and objective of these characteristics to measure. We analyzed the New England Fishery Management Council's sign-in sheets for 2003-2006, estimating participants' travel distance and associations with the groundfish, scallop, and herring industries. We also evaluated the representativeness of participation by comparing attendance to landings and permit distributions. The distance analysis showed a significant correlation between attendance levels and costs via travel distance. These results suggest a potential bias toward those stakeholders residing closer to meeting locations, possibly disadvantaging parties who are further and must incur higher costs. However, few significant differences were found between the actual fishing industry and attendee distributions, suggesting that the geographical distribution of the meeting attendees is statistically similar to that of the larger fishery. The interpretation of these results must take into consideration the limited time span of the analysis, as policy changes may have altered the industry make-up and location prior to our study. Furthermore, the limited geographical input of stakeholders may lend bias to the Council's perception of ecological and social conditions throughout the spatial range of the fishery. These factors should be further considered in the policy-formation process in order to incorporate a broader range of stakeholder input.