370 resultados para Mobilisation


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Contrasting strands of explanation of the motives underlying collective action, as either culturally determined, as an attempt at compensation, point towards an understanding of identity politics as a reaction to given conditions. They pay little attention to the social dynamics that evolve in relation to the conflict within a group, and the possible motivation that can ensue from these. This article analyses the mobilisation among Hindu-nationalist organisations. Rather than seeking their attraction in their discursive outputs and the possible answers they might give in times of change, the contention is that they are to be sought in the specific internal dynamics and the possibilities they create within their historical context. These specific opportunities for action are inherent firstly in the mode of operation relying on participation and involvement, on their direct intervention, their localness and accessibility. Moreover, the dichotomisation inherent in violence makes possible the integration of different interests and different discontents under one banner and therefore contributes to the project of unification undertaken by Hindu-nationalism.

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Lesni Potok stream drains a forested headwater catchment in the central Czech Republic. It was artificially acidified with hydrochloric acid (HCl) for four hours to assess the role of stream substrate in acid-neutralisation and recovery. The pH was lowered from 4.7 to 3.2. Desorption of Ca and MP and desorption or solution of Al dominated acid-neutralisation; Al mobilisation was more important later. The stream substrate released 4.542 meq Ca, 1, 184 meq Mg, and 2,329 meq Al over a 45 in long and I in wide stream segment, smaller amounts of Be. Cd, Fe, and Mn were released. Adsorption of SO42- and desorption of F- occurred during the acidification phase of the experiment. The exchange reactions were rapidly reversible for Ca, Mg and SO42- but not symmetric as the substrate resorbed 1083, 790 and 0 meq Ca, Mg, and Al. respectively, in a 4-hour recovery period. Desorption of SO42- occurred during the resorption of Ca and Mg. These exchange and dissolution reactions delay acidification, diminish the pH depression and retard recovery from episodic acidification. The behaviour of the stream substrate-water interaction resembles that for soil-soil water interactions. A mathematical dynamic mass-balance based model, MASS (Modelling Acidification of Stream Sediments), was developed which simulates the adsorption and desorption of base cations during the experiment and was successfully calibrated to the experimental data.

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This article traces the history of a group of Zambian broadcasters who established the first radio station in the country and made their mark on broadcasting for years to come. It describes their contribution to modern Zambian culture and to nationalist mobilisation. African broadcasters developed formats, ways of presenting and choices of music that appealed to Zambian listeners and established new, authentically local styles. While radio quickly established itself as an integral part of everyday life and culture in the colony, its effect was highly ambivalent. Broadcasters at the same time undermined and enforced the colonial project of using the medium as a transmitter of modernisation ideology. The article explores Thomas Turino’s characterisation of this team as ‘cosmopolitans’ and shows how they were influenced by BBC ideas of journalism and modernisation ideology. To do so, it analyses the relationships African broadcasters had with Europeans in senior positions and with colonial and postcolonial governments. This shared value system brought these Zambian broadcasters into conflict with the post-independence government and its plans to bureaucratise radio, despite their nationalist commitment and strong support for the United National Independence Party (UNIP) before independence.

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Administration of cross-sex hormones to male-to-female transsexual subjects, usually oestrogens + often anti-androgens, such as cyproterone acetate, carries a risk of venous thromboembolism (VTE). VTE usually occurs in the first year of oestrogen administration. Ethinyl oestradiol, due to its chemical structure, was in 2003 identified as a major factor in the occurrence of VTE. Most clinics do not prescribe ethinyl oestradiol any longer, but people who take hormones without medical supervision use often oral contraceptives containing ethinyl oestradiol, many times in overdose. Cessation of use of ethinyl oestradiol and peri-operative thrombosis prophylaxis for surgery have reduced prevalence rate of VTE. Other oral oestrogens should not be overdosed, and transdermal oestrogen is to be preferred. Thrombosis prophylaxis for surgery is mandatory. It seems advisable to stop hormone use at least 2 weeks before major surgery, to be resumed only after 3 weeks following full mobilisation.

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We review our recent work on protein-ligand interactions in vitamin transporters of the Sec-14-like protein. Our studies focused on the cellular-retinaldehyde binding protein (CRALBP) and the alpha-tocopherol transfer protein (alpha-TTP). CRALBP is responsible for mobilisation and photo-protection of short-chain cis-retinoids in the dim-light visual cycle or rod photoreceptors. alpha-TTP is a key protein responsible for selection and retention of RRR-alpha-tocopherol, the most active isoform of vitamin E in superior animals. Our simulation studies evidence how subtle chemical variations in the substrate can lead to significant distortion in the structure of the complex, and how these changes can either lead to new protein function, or be used to model engineered protein variants with tailored properties. Finally, we show how integration of computational and experimental results can contribute in synergy to the understanding of fundamental processes at the biomolecular scale.

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Release of chemotactic factors in response to tissue damage has been described for different musculoskeletal tissues, including the intervertebral disc (IVD). This study investigated the chemoattractants that are released by induced degenerative IVDs and may be involved in recruiting mesenchymal stem cells (MSCs). Bovine caudal discs were cultured within a bioreactor and loaded under conditions that mimicked physiological or degenerative settings. Between days 4-6, medium was replaced by PBS, which was subsequently used for proteomic, ELISA and immunoprecipitation analyses of secreted chemokines and cytokines. A Boyden chamber assay was used to observe human MSC migration towards native and chemokine depleted media. Gene expression levels of chemokine receptors in human MSCs were analysed, and CCL5 was localised in bovine and human IVD by immunohistochemistry. Proteomic analysis revealed the presence of CCL5 and CXCL6 within conditioned media. Higher concentrations of CCL5 were found in the degenerative media, and a relationship was found between interleukin-1β and CCL5 concentration. Chemokine immunoprecipitation showed that MSCs had a significantly reduced chemotactic migration towards CCL5-immunoprecipitated and CCL5/CXCL6 co-immunoprecipitated media, whilst CXCL6 depletion did not change MSC chemotaxis. MSCs showed a significant increase in mRNA expression of the CCL5 receptors, CCR1 and CCR4, upon culture in degenerative media. Furthermore, CCL5 was identified in bovine and human disc tissue by immunohistochemistry. Hence, CCL5 may be a key chemoattractant that is produced and released by the intervertebral disc cells. Therefore, these factors could be used to enhance stem/progenitor cell mobilisation in regenerative therapies for early stages of disc degeneration.

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Outside lobbying is a key strategy for social movements, interest groups and political parties for mobilising public opinion through the media in order to pressure policymakers and influence the policymaking process. Relying on semi-structured interviews and newspaper content analysis in six Western European countries, this article examines the use of four outside lobbying strategies – media-related activities, informing (about) the public, mobilisation and protest – and the amount of media coverage they attract. While some strategies are systematically less pursued than others, we find variation in their relative share across institutional contexts and actor types. Given that most of these differences are not accurately mirrored in the media, we conclude that media coverage is only loosely connected to outside lobbying behaviour, and that the media respond differently to a given strategy when used by different actors. Thus, the ability of different outside lobbying strategies to generate media coverage critically depends on who makes use of them.

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Die vorliegende APS-Inserateanalyse beschäftigt sich mit den eidgenössischen Abstimmungen vom 9. Februar 2014. Im ersten Kapitel werden die drei Vorlagen (FABI, Volksinitiative zur Abtreibungsfinanzierung und Masseneinwanderungsinitiative) hinsichtlich allgemeiner Kriterien miteinander verglichen. Dabei werden zunächst mit der Intensität und der Ausrichtung der verschiedenen Inseratekampagnen die zwei Hauptindikatoren präsentiert. An-schliessend erfolgt die Analyse der Platzierung der Anzeigen nach Pressegattungen sowie zeitlichen und geografischen Aspekten. In den Kapiteln 2-4 stehen vorlagenspezifische Eigenschaften im Vordergrund. In einem ersten Schritt werden für jede Vorlage die meist verwendeten Inseratetypen vorgestellt. Danach wird auf den Inhalt sowie auf die AbsenderInnen der Hauptbotschaften eingegangen. Falls es die Anzahl der verfügbaren Inserate erlaubt, werden drittens die Determinanten der zentralen Botschaften mit Hilfe von statistischen Verfahren unter die Lupe genommen. Für die Masseneinwanderungsinitiative (Kapitel 4) wurde eine ausführliche Spezialanalyse durchgeführt, mit der die Kampagnen der beiden Lager nach spezifischer Mobilisierung untersucht werden. Das fünfte Kapitel schliesst mit einem Fazit.

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Late Holocene laminated sediments from a core transect centred in the oxygen minimum zone (OMZ) impinging at the continental slope off Pakistan indicate stable oxygen minimum conditions for the past 7000 calendar years. High SW-monsoon-controlled biological productivity and enhanced organic matter preservation during this period is reflected in high contents of total organic carbon (TOC) and redox-sensitive elements (Ni, V), as well as by a low-diversity, high-abundance benthic foraminiferal Buliminacea association and high abundance of the planktonic species Globigerina bulloides indicative of upwelling conditions. Surface-water productivity was strongest during SW monsoon maxima. Stable OMZ conditions (reflected by laminated sediments) were found also during warm interstadial events (Preboreal, Bølling-Allerød, and Dansgaard-Oeschger events), as well as during peak glacial times (17-22.5 ka, all ages in calendar years). Sediment mass accumulation rates were at a maximum during the Preboreal and Younger Dryas periods due to strong riverine input and mobilisation of fine-grained sediment coinciding with rapid deglacial sea-level rise, whereas eolian input generally decreased from glacial to interglacial times. In contrast, the occurrence of bioturbated intervals from 7 to 10.5 ka (early Holocene), in the Younger Dryas (11.7-13 ka), from 15 to 17 ka (Heinrich event 1) and from 22.5 to 25 ka (Heinrich event 2) suggests completely different conditions of oxygen-rich bottom waters, extremely low mass and organic carbon accumulation rates, a high-diversity benthic fauna, all indicating lowered surface-water productivity. During these intervals the OMZ was very poorly developed or absent and a sharp fall of the aragonite compensation depth favoured the preservation of pteropods. The abundance of lithogenic proxies suggests aridity and wind transport by northwesterly or northeasterly winds during these periods coinciding with the North Atlantic Heinrich events and dust peaks in the Tibetan Loess records. The correlation of the monsoon-driven OMZ variability in the Arabian Sea with the rapid climatic fluctuations in the high northern latitudes suggests a close coupling between the climates of the high and low latitudes at a global scale.

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El presente artículo reflexiona acerca de las relaciones existentes entre las esferas de la sociabilidad y la política desde el análisis de situaciones en que ellas confluyeron o se interpusieron en la práctica y los discursos de los dirigentes, militantes y simpatizantes izquierdistas y antifascistas en el interior de la Provincia de Buenos Aires durante los gobiernos de orientación conservadora surgidos en los años '30 y principios de los '40. Con información extraída mayoritariamente de la prensa del interior bonaerense, una fuente en general poco consultada, el texto se propone una mirada que se pose en la complejidad de las relaciones entre militancia, ocio, sociabilidad y política, que no centre únicamente en los aspectos ideológicos, la motorización y existencia de la sociabilidad política. Así, la hipótesis central que ha manejado esta investigación, es que las prácticas de sociabilidad y movilización políticas pueden analizarse en mutua correspondencia, sin remitir su construcción a una recepción unilateral y únicamente constreñida al plano ideológico y sin que su deriva se calque desde la imitación aséptica de los diseños que privilegiadamente proponen los diferentes cenáculos de la dirigencia que pretenden -fracasando necesariamente- conducir de manera total y verticalmente los múltiples fenómenos de actuación política.

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El presente artículo reflexiona acerca de las relaciones existentes entre las esferas de la sociabilidad y la política desde el análisis de situaciones en que ellas confluyeron o se interpusieron en la práctica y los discursos de los dirigentes, militantes y simpatizantes izquierdistas y antifascistas en el interior de la Provincia de Buenos Aires durante los gobiernos de orientación conservadora surgidos en los años '30 y principios de los '40. Con información extraída mayoritariamente de la prensa del interior bonaerense, una fuente en general poco consultada, el texto se propone una mirada que se pose en la complejidad de las relaciones entre militancia, ocio, sociabilidad y política, que no centre únicamente en los aspectos ideológicos, la motorización y existencia de la sociabilidad política. Así, la hipótesis central que ha manejado esta investigación, es que las prácticas de sociabilidad y movilización políticas pueden analizarse en mutua correspondencia, sin remitir su construcción a una recepción unilateral y únicamente constreñida al plano ideológico y sin que su deriva se calque desde la imitación aséptica de los diseños que privilegiadamente proponen los diferentes cenáculos de la dirigencia que pretenden -fracasando necesariamente- conducir de manera total y verticalmente los múltiples fenómenos de actuación política.

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El presente artículo reflexiona acerca de las relaciones existentes entre las esferas de la sociabilidad y la política desde el análisis de situaciones en que ellas confluyeron o se interpusieron en la práctica y los discursos de los dirigentes, militantes y simpatizantes izquierdistas y antifascistas en el interior de la Provincia de Buenos Aires durante los gobiernos de orientación conservadora surgidos en los años '30 y principios de los '40. Con información extraída mayoritariamente de la prensa del interior bonaerense, una fuente en general poco consultada, el texto se propone una mirada que se pose en la complejidad de las relaciones entre militancia, ocio, sociabilidad y política, que no centre únicamente en los aspectos ideológicos, la motorización y existencia de la sociabilidad política. Así, la hipótesis central que ha manejado esta investigación, es que las prácticas de sociabilidad y movilización políticas pueden analizarse en mutua correspondencia, sin remitir su construcción a una recepción unilateral y únicamente constreñida al plano ideológico y sin que su deriva se calque desde la imitación aséptica de los diseños que privilegiadamente proponen los diferentes cenáculos de la dirigencia que pretenden -fracasando necesariamente- conducir de manera total y verticalmente los múltiples fenómenos de actuación política.

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We studied a unique chrysotile-antigorite serpentinite, drilled on Deep Sea Drilling Project Leg 84 (Site 566) in the Guatemala forearc. Our in situ major and trace element data provide new constraints on possible reactions and associated trace element mobilisation during shallow serpentinite subduction. Chrysotile of the studied serpentinite, formed by the hydration of an upper mantle peridotite precursor, is partially replaced by antigorite (alone) which also occurs in 0.5 mm wide unoriented veins crosscutting the rock. Based on textural relationships and the P-T-X stability of the rock forming phases, the replacement of chrysotile by antigorite occurred at T < 300 °C, due to interaction between the chrysotile-serpentinite and an aqueous fluid. A comparison of the chemical compositions of reactant and product phases reveals that about 90% of the Cl, more than 80% of the B and about 50% of the Sr hosted originally by chrysotile was lost during fluid-assisted chrysotile-to-antigorite transformation and accompanying partial dehydration, and documents the much lower affinity of antigorite for trace element uptake than that of chrysotile. The fluid-assisted chrysotile-to-antigorite transformation and associated trace element loss documented here can occur in the shallow (< 30 km) region of subduction zones. This transformation decreases notably the Cl and B inventory of subducting serpentinites, which are regarded as one of the most important carriers of these elements into subduction zones. The evolution of serpentinites during initial subduction stages thus appears to be critical in the recycling of specific trace elements such as B or Cl from forearc to subarc depths.

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In this pilot study, we report on levels of persistent organohalogenated contaminants (OHCs) in hair of polar bears (Ursus maritimus) from East Greenland sampled between 1999 and 2001. To our knowledge, this is the first study on the validation of polar bear hair as a non-invasive matrix representative of concentrations and profiles in internal organs and blood plasma. Because of low sample weights (13-140 mg), only major bioaccumulative OHCs were detected above the limit of quantification: five polychlorinated biphenyl (PCB) congeners (CB 99, 138, 153, 170 and 180), one polybrominated diphenyl ether (PBDE) congener (BDE 47), oxychlordane, trans-nonachlor and ß-hexachlorocyclohexane. The PCB profile in hair was similar to that of internal tissues (i.e. adipose, liver, brain and blood), with CB 153 and 180 as the major congeners in all matrices. A gender difference was found for concentrations in hair relative to concentrations in internal tissues. Females (n = 6) were found to display negative correlations, while males (n = 5) showed positive correlations, although p-values were not found significant. These negative correlations in females may reflect seasonal OHC mobilisation from periphery adipose tissue due to, for example, lactation and fasting. The lack of significance in most correlations may be due to small sample sizes and seasonal variability of concentrations in soft tissues. Further research with larger sample weights and sizes is therefore necessary to draw more definitive conclusions on the usefulness of hair for biomonitoring OHCs in polar bears and other fur mammals.

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Despite the ethnicisation of power since independence in 1991, Kazakhstan has managed to maintain political stability without experiencing large-scale mobilisation to oppose Kazakh domination. This paper examines government strategy to avoid ethnic voting in an attempt to explain why ethnic divisions were rarely reflected in the struggle for power in the republic. While the arbitrary use of legal provisions considerably limited participation in elections by ethnic leaders, powerful pro-president parties that exhibited a cross-ethnic character were created to curtail ethnically based movements. The control strategy in elections aimed not simply at ethnicising the parliament in favour of Kazakhs, but at having loyal Russians and other minorities represented in the legislature through nomination by the president and catch-all pro-regime parties, or through the presidential consultative body—Assembly of the People of Kazakhstan. This well-controlled representation of minorities served not only to placate non-Kazakhs but also to provide legitimacy for the Kazakh-dominated leadership by projecting the image of cross-ethnic support for the president and some degree of power-sharing.