Educação do campo, poder local e políticas públicas: a Casa Familiar Rural de Gurupá-Pa, uma construção permanente

O estudo trata da experiência da Casa Familiar Rural do município de Gurupá, situado na mesorregião do Marajó no Estado do Pará. Discute a relação da Educação do campo, Poder Local e políticas Públicas no contexto local, enfatizando a concepção de organização Pública Não Estatal na oferta da educação do campo e da relação entre Sociedade Civil e Estado. Seu objetivo principal foi analisar as especificidades da experiência da referida Casa e suas contribuições para as políticas públicas locais bem como na constituição do poder local. O enfoque desta pesquisa foi classificado como Qualitativo, sendo o principal instrumento de coleta de dados a entrevista semi-estruturada aplicada a oito sujeitos. Além das entrevistas foram utilizados documentos e visita local. As questões que conduziram a análise dos dados foram: o que é a CFR e qual seu projeto educativo para o campesinato gurupaense? Como se estabelecem as relações entre a Casa Familiar Rural e os atores acima citados? Que políticas públicas estão sendo alcançadas em benefício da comunidade camponesa a partir dessa configuração de poder local? O que isso contribui com o âmbito local e para o fortalecimento de um projeto de desenvolvimento educacional e econômico do campo? Com base na análise das informações, o estudo demonstrou que a Casa Familiar Rural de Gurupá, a partir de sua participação efetiva nos espaços públicos e na composição de parcerias com governos, com organizações não-governamentais (Ong’s) e com a sociedade civil, vem influenciando, propondo e executando políticas públicas neste município, constituindo-se como importante agente na constituição do Poder Local. A pesquisa demonstrou que a Casa tem se consolidado como uma importante referência na educação do campo no município de Gurupá.

Planejamento participativo, desenvolvimento local e metodologias participativas: projetos de intervenção e participação em pequenas comunidades rurais da Amazônia paraense

O Estudo examina as possibilidades e os limites do planejamento participativo como um instrumento para o desenvolvimento local em comunidades rurais da Amazônia, a partir de suas potencialidades locais (redes de relações sociais e institucionais e recursos naturais) e das relações territoriais com sua área de entorno. Em particular, o estudo analisa uma comunidade quilombola denominada Itacoã-Miri, localizada no município de Acará, Estado do Pará. A questão central da pesquisa é: em que medida a participação das pessoas em um projeto de desenvolvimento comunitário significa a incorporação do conhecimento empírico local e as demandas da comunidade para legitimar um processo de planejamento? O arcabouço teórico é alicerçado na seguinte literatura: (a) significados e inter-relações entre planejamento, desenvolvimento e participação; e, (b) conhecimento informal para alternativas de desenvolvimento sustentável. Adicionalmente, a pesquisa também considera os conceitos de redes sociais e organizações locais por suas relações com a discussão principal da pesquisa. O arcabouço teórico foi utilizado para entender as relações que tem sido estabelecidas entre instituições governamentais e organizações locais (associações, grupos de produção, cooperativas, etc.) e também entre atores governamentais locais e as pessoas da comunidade para a construção de projetos de desenvolvimento local usando o approach de planejamento participativo. O foco principal é a Amazônia Brasileira. As unidades de análise foram o grupo social que foi formado para elaboração do projeto de desenvolvimento local e o processo participativo levado a cabo por este grupo para a construção do projeto em causa. Isto por três razões básicas: primeiro, porque um grupo social se apresenta como a arena política onde os atores sociais interagem entre si; segundo, porque o grupo social é o espaço onde os atores sociais implementam os seus significados de participação social; e, terceiro, porque é dentro do grupo social que internas e externas (e também formais e informais) relações ocorrem para fazer efetivo o planejamento participativo. O estudo conclui que a maioria do planejamento comunitário e regional levado a cabo pelo governo federal e estadual entre as décadas de 1970 e 1990 não obtiveram êxito por três razões: (1) primeiro, porque havia lacunas entre as demandas das populações locais e as ações dos governos; (2) segundo, o planejamento regional não levou em consideração as diferenças interculturais entre a população local e os agentes do estado; e, (3) terceiro, a falta de um instrumento participativo para envolvimento das pessoas no processo de planejamento. O estudo aplicou um arcabouço metodológico inovativo para participação das pessoas da comunidade no processo de planejamento de projeto e encontrou que a população local tem uma significativa capacidade cognitiva para participar a partir de seu conhecimento empírico. Encontrou, também, que este conhecimento é resultado do envolvimento histórico da comunidade em diversos espaços de interação com atores externos (organizações governamentais e não governamentais). Entretanto, o estudo mostra que o macro cenário político tem significativa (positiva e negativa) influencia no nível de participação das pessoas em um processo de planejamento.

Social movement, public policy changes and partnerships building for local development

O artigo discute a influência do movimento social rural sobre as mudanças na política de apoio ao pequeno produtor rural e para a criação de parcerias entre o Governo e as Organizações Locais para o desenvolvimento local na Amazônia, em particular no estado do Pará. O objetivo do artigo é examinar a parceria como um resultado de um processo interativo entre as mudanças nas políticas públicas e as demandas dos movimentos sociais. O artigo mostra que embora os movimentos sociais façam parte de uma relação conflituosa entre o Estado e a sociedade civil, tais movimentos no estado do Pará foram uma pré-condição para mudanças na política pública, estrutura de financiamento e prioridades das agencias regionais que resultaram em proposições para cooperação entre o Governo e as Organizações Locais em nível municipal.

Partnership, empowerment and local development

Este artigo busca entender como a parceria entre as organizações locais (associações, cooperativas, sindicatos dos trabalhadores e outros) e o governo contribui para o desenvolvimento local. O artigo explora em que medida a parceria é uma estratégia efetiva para o desenvolvimento local em áreas historicamente marcadas por conflito entre os governos municipais e as organizações locais que defendem os interesses dos pequenos produtores rurais de base familiar. Particularmente, o artigo se concentra na discussão sobre a parceria como um mecanismo de divisão de poder e empoderamento das pessoas que historicamente têm sido excluídas do processo de desenvolvimento local. Os dados empíricos do artigo foram coletados nos municípios de Ourém e Igarapé-Miri, Nordeste do Pará, Amazônia, Brasil.

Parcerias entre o Poder Público e a Esfera Privada como Instrumentos de Descentralização da Ação Estatal: diferentes perspectivas

Este artigo tem por objetivo apresentar diferentes perspectivas a respeito da adoção de parcerias entre o poder público e o setor privado no contexto brasileiro e mais especificamente no Estado de São Paulo em diferentes áreas governamentais, mas com ênfase nos campos da saúde e principalmente da educação. Essas parcerias parecem ser decorrentes das mudanças nas políticas públicas que se configuraram nas décadas de 1970, 1980 e 1990 e têm surgido como uma das alternativas para a descentralização de responsabilidades até então estatais, visando a redução do papel do Estado. No caso brasileiro, inserem-se no movimento de Reforma do Estado iniciado em 1995 com o Plano Diretor de Reforma do Aparelho do Estado (PDRAE). Por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica foram identificados alguns trabalhos, em diferentes áreas, que tratavam da temática das parcerias em questão e buscou-se realizar a análise dos mesmos, confrontando as diferentes perspectivas e opiniões sobre a adoção de parcerias presentes neles.

Limites e possibilidades para a dinamização das atividades econômicas em assentamentos da reforma agrária no Estado de São Paulo

This paper provides an overview of the key findings of a survey that sought to examine the relationship between local government agencies and agrarian reform communities in the State of São Paulo, particularly with regard to the types of support that have been provided by these agencies to the economic activities of settlements. The research was part of the project "The agencies and services involved in the implementation of public policies for equity and growth", which was supported by the Instituto de Colonização e Reforma Agraria (INCRA/SP), whose activities were carried out throughout 2011. In methodological terms, the research was divided into two stages. In the first stage, it sought to identify the main economic activities, vocations and potential of the influencing areas of the Quilombola communities and settlements in their respective regions and micro-regions. Therefore, a survey was conducted based on secondary data. In the second stage, a qualitative, exploratory, empirical, and multiple case study research was conducted. Local public officials, in charge of the institutional relations with the agrarian reform settlements (and quilombolas communities, in this case, one of the municipalities investigated) were the primary source of data for this analysis that sought to evaluate the strength, types and quality of support (plausible or effective) provided by the municipalities to the economic activities of settlements. The results indicated a set of reasonably heterogeneous components, and frequently, distinct, of particular circumstances. Based on the results some proposals for action plans were indicated, which probably would constitute a standard reference for the formulation and implementation of public policies and actions to improve the economic activities of the settlements.

"Water users must be efficient producers". Women's access to and use of land in Chókwè irrigation scheme, Mozambique

The irrigation scheme Eduardo Mondlane, situated in Chókwè District - in the Southern part of the Gaza province and within the Limpopo River Basin - is the largest in the country, covering approximately 30,000 hectares of land. Built by the Portuguese colonial administration in the 1950s to exploit the agricultural potential of the area through cash-cropping, after Independence it became one of Frelimo’s flagship projects aiming at the “socialization of the countryside” and at agricultural economic development through the creation of a state farm and of several cooperatives. The failure of Frelimo’s economic reforms, several infrastructural constraints and local farmers resistance to collective forms of production led to scheme to a state of severe degradation aggravated by the floods of the year 2000. A project of technical rehabilitation initiated after the floods is currently accompanied by a strong “efficiency” discourse from the managing institution that strongly opposes the use of irrigated land for subsistence agriculture, historically a major livelihood strategy for smallfarmers, particularly for women. In fact, the area has been characterized, since the end of the XIX century, by a stable pattern of male migration towards South African mines, that has resulted in an a steady increase of women-headed households (both de jure and de facto). The relationship between land reform, agricultural development, poverty alleviation and gender equality in Southern Africa is long debated in academic literature. Within this debate, the role of agricultural activities in irrigation schemes is particularly interesting considering that, in a drought-prone area, having access to water for irrigation means increased possibilities of improving food and livelihood security, and income levels. In the case of Chókwè, local governments institutions are endorsing the development of commercial agriculture through initiatives such as partnerships with international cooperation agencies or joint-ventures with private investors. While these business models can sometimes lead to positive outcomes in terms of poverty alleviation, it is important to recognize that decentralization and neoliberal reforms occur in the context of financial and political crisis of the State that lacks the resources to efficiently manage infrastructures such as irrigation systems. This kind of institutional and economic reforms risk accelerating processes of social and economic marginalisation, including landlessness, in particular for poor rural women that mainly use irrigated land for subsistence production. The study combines an analysis of the historical and geographical context with the study of relevant literature and original fieldwork. Fieldwork was conducted between February and June 2007 (where I mainly collected secondary data, maps and statistics and conducted preliminary visit to Chókwè) and from October 2007 to March 2008. Fieldwork methodology was qualitative and used semi-structured interviews with central and local Government officials, technical experts of the irrigation scheme, civil society organisations, international NGOs, rural extensionists, and water users from the irrigation scheme, in particular those women smallfarmers members of local farmers’ associations. Thanks to the collaboration with the Union of Farmers’ Associations of Chókwè, she has been able to participate to members’ meeting, to education and training activities addressed to women farmers members of the Union and to organize a group discussion. In Chókwè irrigation scheme, women account for the 32% of water users of the familiar sector (comprising plot-holders with less than 5 hectares of land) and for just 5% of the private sector. If one considers farmers’ associations of the familiar sector (a legacy of Frelimo’s cooperatives), women are 84% of total members. However, the security given to them by the land title that they have acquired through occupation is severely endangered by the use that they make of land, that is considered as “non efficient” by the irrigation scheme authority. Due to a reduced access to marketing possibilities and to inputs, training, information and credit women, in actual fact, risk to see their right to access land and water revoked because they are not able to sustain the increasing cost of the water fee. The myth of the “efficient producer” does not take into consideration the characteristics of inequality and gender discrimination of the neo-liberal market. Expecting small-farmers, and in particular women, to be able to compete in the globalized agricultural market seems unrealistic, and can perpetuate unequal gendered access to resources such as land and water.

A New Symbiosis: Municipalities, Private Contractors and Non-Governmental Organisations for the Provision of Local Public Services"

This project considered the second stage of transforming local administration and public service management to reflect democratic forms of government. In Hungary in the second half of the 1990s more and more public functions delegated to local governments have been handed over to the private or civil sectors. This has led to a relative decrease of municipal functions but not of local governments' responsibilities, requiring them to change their orientation and approach to their work so as to be effective in their new roles of managing these processes rather than traditional bureaucratic administration. Horvath analysed the Anglo-Saxon, French and German models of self-government, identifying the differing aspects emphasised in increasing the private sector's role in the provision of public services, and the influence that this process has on the system of public administration. He then highlighted linkages between actors and local governments in Hungary, concluding that the next necessary step is to develop institutional mechanisms, financial incentives and managerial practices to utilise the full potential of this process. Equally important is the need for conscious avoidance of restrictive barriers and unintended consequences, and for local governments to confront the social conflicts that have emerged in parallel with privatisation. A further aspect considered was a widening of the role of functional governance at local level in the field of human services. A number of different special purpose bodies have been set up in Hungary, but the results of their work are unclear and Horvath feels that this institutionalisation of symbiosis is not the right path in Hungary today. He believes that the change from local government to local governance will require the formulation of specific public policy, the relevance of which can be proven by processes supported with actions.

Past is Prologue: Montana’s Historic Women’s Movement Re-emerges in the Progressive 1970s -- Dorothy Bradley, Marilyn Wessel & Jane Jelinski “In the Crucible of Change”

One-hundred years ago, in 1914, male voters in Montana (MT) extended suffrage (voting rights) to women six years before the 19th Amendment to the US Constitution was ratified and provided that right to women in all states. The long struggle for women’s suffrage was energized in the progressive era and Jeanette Rankin of Missoula emerged as a leader of the campaign; in 1912 both major MT political party platforms supported women suffrage. In the 1914 election, 41,000 male voters supported woman suffrage while nearly 38,000 opposed it. MT was not only ahead of the curve on women suffrage, but just two years later in 1916 elected Jeanette Rankin as the first woman ever elected to the United States Congress. Rankin became a national leader for women's equality. In her commitment to equality, she opposed US entry into World War I, partially because she said she could not support men being made to go to war if women were not allowed to serve alongside them. During MT’s initial progressive era, women in MT not only pursued equality for themselves (the MT Legislature passed an equal pay act in 1919), but pursued other social improvements, such as temperance/prohibition. Well-known national women leaders such as Carrie Nation and others found a welcome in MT during the period. Women's role in the trade union movement was evidenced in MT by the creation of the Women's Protective Union in Butte, the first union in America dedicated solely to women workers. But Rankin’s defeat following her vote against World War I was used as a way for opponents to advocate a conservative, traditionalist perspective on women's rights in MT. Just as we then entered a period in MT where the “copper collar” was tightened around MT economically and politically by the Anaconda Company and its allies, we also found a different kind of conservative, traditionalist collar tightened around the necks of MT women. The recognition of women's role during World War II, represented by “Rosie the Riveter,” made it more difficult for that conservative, traditionalist approach to be forever maintained. In addition, women's role in MT agriculture – family farms and ranches -- spoke strongly to the concept of equality, as farm wives were clearly active partners in the agricultural enterprises. But rural MT was, by and large, the bastion of conservative values relative to the position of women in society. As the period of “In the Crucible of Change” began, the 1965 MT Legislature included only three women. In 1967 and 1969 only one woman legislator served. In 1971 the number went up to two, including one of our guests, Dorothy Bradley. It was only after the Constitutional Convention, which featured 19 women delegates, that the barrier was broken. The 1973 Legislature saw 9 women elected. The 1975 and 1977 sessions had 14 women legislators; 15 were elected for the 1979 session. At that time progressive women and men in the Legislature helped implement the equality provisions of the new MT Constitution, ratified the federal Equal Rights Amendment in 1974, and held back national and local conservatives forces which sought in later Legislatures to repeal that ratification. As with the national movement at the time, MT women sought and often succeeded in adopting legal mechanisms that protected women’s equality, while full equality in the external world remained (and remains) a treasured objective. The story of the re-emergence of Montana’s women’s movement in the 1970s is discussed in this chapter by three very successful and prominent women who were directly involved in the effort: Dorothy Bradley, Marilyn Wessel, and Jane Jelinski. Their recollections of the political, sociological and cultural path Montana women pursued in the 1970s and the challenges and opposition they faced provide an insider’s perspective of the battle for equality for women under the Big Sky “In the Crucible of Change.” Dorothy Bradley grew up in Bozeman, Montana; received her Bachelor of Arts Phi Beta Kappa from Colorado College, Colorado Springs, in 1969 with a Distinction in Anthropology; and her Juris Doctor from American University in Washington, D.C., in 1983. In 1970, at the age of 22, following the first Earth Day and running on an environmental platform, Ms. Bradley won a seat in the 1971 Montana House of Representatives where she served as the youngest member and only woman. Bradley established a record of achievement on environmental & progressive legislation for four terms, before giving up the seat to run a strong second to Pat Williams for the Democratic nomination for an open seat in Montana’s Western Congressional District. After becoming an attorney and an expert on water law, she returned to the Legislature for 4 more terms in the mid-to-late 1980s. Serving a total of eight terms, Dorothy was known for her leadership on natural resources, tax reform, economic development, and other difficult issues during which time she gained recognition for her consensus-building approach. Campaigning by riding her horse across the state, Dorothy was the Democratic nominee for Governor in 1992, losing the race by less than a percentage point. In 1993 she briefly taught at a small rural school next to the Northern Cheyenne Indian Reservation. She was then hired as the Director of the Montana University System Water Center, an education and research arm of Montana State University. From 2000 - 2008 she served as the first Gallatin County Court Administrator with the task of collaboratively redesigning the criminal justice system. She currently serves on One Montana’s Board, is a National Advisor for the American Prairie Foundation, and is on NorthWestern Energy’s Board of Directors. Dorothy was recognized with an Honorary Doctorate from her alma mater, Colorado College, was named Business Woman of the Year by the Bozeman Chamber of Commerce and MSU Alumni Association, and was Montana Business and Professional Women’s Montana Woman of Achievement. Marilyn Wessel was born in Iowa, lived and worked in Los Angeles, California, and Washington, D.C. before moving to Bozeman in 1972. She has an undergraduate degree in journalism from Iowa State University, graduate degree in public administration from Montana State University, certification from the Harvard University Institute for Education Management, and served a senior internship with the U.S. Congress, Montana delegation. In Montana Marilyn has served in a number of professional positions, including part-time editor for the Montana Cooperative Extension Service, News Director for KBMN Radio, Special Assistant to the President and Director of Communications at Montana State University, Director of University Relations at Montana State University and Dean and Director of the Museum of the Rockies at MSU. Marilyn retired from MSU as Dean Emeritus in 2003. Her past Board Service includes Montana State Merit System Council, Montana Ambassadors, Vigilante Theater Company, Montana State Commission on Practice, Museum of the Rockies, Helena Branch of the Ninth District Federal Reserve Bank, Burton K. Wheeler Center for Public Policy, Bozeman Chamber of Commerce, and Friends of KUSM Public Television. Marilyn’s past publications and productions include several articles on communications and public administration issues as well as research, script preparation and presentation of several radio documentaries and several public television programs. She is co-author of one book, 4-H An American Idea: A History of 4-H. Marilyn’s other past volunteer activities and organizations include Business and Professional Women, Women's Political Caucus, League of Women Voters, and numerous political campaigns. She is currently engaged professionally in museum-related consulting and part-time teaching at Montana State University as well as serving on the Editorial Board of the Bozeman Daily Chronicle and a member of Pilgrim Congregational Church and Family Promise. Marilyn and her husband Tom, a retired MSU professor, live in Bozeman. She enjoys time with her children and grandchildren, hiking, golf, Italian studies, cooking, gardening and travel. Jane Jelinski is a Wisconsin native, with a BA from Fontbonne College in St. Louis, MO who taught fifth and seventh grades prior to moving to Bozeman in 1973. A stay-at-home mom with a five year old daughter and an infant son, she was promptly recruited by the Gallatin Women’s Political Caucus to conduct a study of Sex-Role Stereotyping in K Through 6 Reading Text Books in the Bozeman School District. Sociologist Dr. Louise Hale designed the study and did the statistical analysis and Jane read all the texts, entered the data and wrote the report. It was widely disseminated across Montana and received attention of the press. Her next venture into community activism was to lead the successful effort to downzone her neighborhood which was under threat of encroaching business development. Today the neighborhood enjoys the protections of a Historic Preservation District. During this time she earned her MPA from Montana State University. Subsequently Jane founded the Gallatin Advocacy Program for Developmentally Disabled Adults in 1978 and served as its Executive Director until her appointment to the Gallatin County Commission in 1984, a controversial appointment which she chronicled in the Fall issue of the Gallatin History Museum Quarterly. Copies of the issue can be ordered through: http://gallatinhistorymuseum.org/the-museum-bookstore/shop/. Jane was re-elected three times as County Commissioner, serving fourteen years. She was active in the Montana Association of Counties (MACO) and was elected its President in 1994. She was also active in the National Association of Counties, serving on numerous policy committees. In 1998 Jane resigned from the County Commission 6 months before the end of her final term to accept the position of Assistant Director of MACO, from where she lobbied for counties, provided training and research for county officials, and published a monthly newsletter. In 2001 she became Director of the MSU Local Government Center where she continued to provide training and research for county and municipal officials across MT. There she initiated the Montana Mayors Academy in partnership with MMIA. She taught State and Local Government, Montana Politics and Public Administration in the MSU Political Science Department before retiring in 2008. Jane has been married to Jack for 46 years, has two grown children and three grandchildren.

The impact of associational life on trust in local institutions: a comparison of 57 Swiss municipalities

In this paper, we evaluate the impact of associational life on individual political trust in 57 Swiss municipalities. Our hierarchical regression models show that individual political trust is not only affected by individual associational membership but also by the exchange between associations and local political authorities in a community. In other words, if political authorities and associations are linked at the community level, citizens will place more trust in their local institutions. Furthermore, we find clear evidence for the rainmaker hypothesis: our results show that the positive effect of a vibrant connection between associational life and local politics on political trust is not solely confined to the associational members themselves, but rather indicate that the structure of the local civic culture fosters political trust among members and non-members at the same time. However, the internal democratic processes of associations have no effect on individuals’ trust in local political institutions.

Government initiatives to expand access to employer-based health insurance

Employer-based health insurance is declining at records rates, which leaves an increasing number of people without access to affordable health insurance. As a result, municipalities are experiencing financial difficulties to provide health care services for their growing uninsured population. In attempt to combat this issue, three health polices have emerged within the last ten years, called Living Wage with a health insurance provision, Pay or Play, and Health Care Preference. These policies are gaining popularity as civic leaders recognize their ability to promote a public health goal by leveraging the power of city and county contracts to include a health insurance component in the competitive bidding practice for government contracts. ^ This is the first paper to conduct a retrospective analysis on whether these three health policies have been able to increase access to employer-based health insurance and/or support the local health care safety net based on the experiences of six municipalities over a 5-year period from 2001-2006. Although there was variation between the effectiveness of the policies, all three demonstrated success in that a number of contractors extended existing health insurance to employees not previously covered and the increased cost of contracting for the local government was, on average, less than 1 percent of the total operating budget. ^

El gobierno local como promotor de políticas de participación ciudadana. Aprendizajes y dificultades en dos experiencias municipales

El propósito de este trabajo es analizar el proceso de surgimiento, implementación y resultados alcanzados en dos experiencias locales participativas en municipios de la Pcia. de Buenos Aires a partir de la recuperación de la perspectiva de los propios actores (funcionarios, grupos técnicos profesionales y organizaciones de la comunidad). Para la comparación de los casos se tomaron como ejes de análisis los distintos momentos de la política pública: -el surgimiento de la política: interesó indagar qué actor tuvo la iniciativa y cómo se fundamentó la política (es decir qué concepciones asumieron los procesos participativos); -respecto al proceso de implementación, a través de qué estrategias (metodologías y técnicas) se llevaron a cabo las experiencias y cuáles fueron los actores participantes; -finalmente se describieron los resultados de estas experiencias: el alcance y la calidad de los procesos que desencadenan tanto en el ámbito de la gestión de gobierno como en la relación del municipio con la sociedad

El gobierno local como promotor de políticas de participación ciudadana. Aprendizajes y dificultades en dos experiencias municipales

El propósito de este trabajo es analizar el proceso de surgimiento, implementación y resultados alcanzados en dos experiencias locales participativas en municipios de la Pcia. de Buenos Aires a partir de la recuperación de la perspectiva de los propios actores (funcionarios, grupos técnicos profesionales y organizaciones de la comunidad). Para la comparación de los casos se tomaron como ejes de análisis los distintos momentos de la política pública: -el surgimiento de la política: interesó indagar qué actor tuvo la iniciativa y cómo se fundamentó la política (es decir qué concepciones asumieron los procesos participativos); -respecto al proceso de implementación, a través de qué estrategias (metodologías y técnicas) se llevaron a cabo las experiencias y cuáles fueron los actores participantes; -finalmente se describieron los resultados de estas experiencias: el alcance y la calidad de los procesos que desencadenan tanto en el ámbito de la gestión de gobierno como en la relación del municipio con la sociedad

El gobierno local como promotor de políticas de participación ciudadana. Aprendizajes y dificultades en dos experiencias municipales

El propósito de este trabajo es analizar el proceso de surgimiento, implementación y resultados alcanzados en dos experiencias locales participativas en municipios de la Pcia. de Buenos Aires a partir de la recuperación de la perspectiva de los propios actores (funcionarios, grupos técnicos profesionales y organizaciones de la comunidad). Para la comparación de los casos se tomaron como ejes de análisis los distintos momentos de la política pública: -el surgimiento de la política: interesó indagar qué actor tuvo la iniciativa y cómo se fundamentó la política (es decir qué concepciones asumieron los procesos participativos); -respecto al proceso de implementación, a través de qué estrategias (metodologías y técnicas) se llevaron a cabo las experiencias y cuáles fueron los actores participantes; -finalmente se describieron los resultados de estas experiencias: el alcance y la calidad de los procesos que desencadenan tanto en el ámbito de la gestión de gobierno como en la relación del municipio con la sociedad

Post-decentralization regional economies and actors -- putting the capacity of Local governments to the test

Decentralization in Indonesia was introduced institutionally in 2001, with a democratization drive promoted by international donors and by the intention of the new government to clear away the centralistic image of Soeharto. Decentralization has had some effects on regional economies and on local government administration. Compared to the period before decentralization, the share of gross regional domestic product and local government finance has increased in Java, though investment and bank borrowing have expanded to the outer islands. In qualitative aspects, decentralization has transferred not only administrative authority but also many new vested interests from the center to regions. Local governments have become more extensive economic actors in regional economies. Regional economic actors now compete actively for such vested interests and have missed the opportunity to create market-friendly regional economies. The government sector should not be a mere rent-seeking economic actor, but should play a role as a facilitator promoting private sector activities in regional economies.