Policies and care provision in Latin America: A view of regional experiences

This study identifies the key challenges facing the region in the domain of care provision. To that end it describes, analyses and discusses the concept of care, the rights approach and the public policies implemented in Latin America and the Caribbean on the social organization of care. The document describes care policies in the region generally, and it specifically analyses experiences of the social organization of care provision in four countries. In Chile, it studies the Chile Crece Contigo national child-care programme; in Costa Rica it reviews the National Care Network; in Ecuador, it analyses the recognition of unpaid reproductive work in the 2008 Constitution and the National Plan for Good Living; and in Uruguay it considers the National Care System.

Lei Maria da Penha: avaliação dos seis anos de implantação em Belém/PA

Este estudo constitui a dissertação apresentada no Curso de Mestrado em Serviço Social da UFPA, cujo tema “Lei Maria da Penha: Avaliação dos 06 anos de Implantação em Belém/PA”, analisa a discussão e avaliação da aplicabilidade da Lei nº 11.340/06 (Maria da Penha) para o combate à violência doméstica e familiar no município de Belém/PA. Objetiva também aprofundar o conhecimento sobre a temática da mulher e das relações de gênero. Com essa finalidade, o trabalho foi realizado mediante pesquisa bibliográfica, com a utilização de materiais já publicados como: artigos, livros e os materiais disponíveis na internet e pesquisa exploratória, visando a uma apreensão do problema para melhor compreendê-lo e explicitá-lo. Os instrumentais de coleta de dados foram aplicados junto aos sujeitos sociais envolvidos na problemática, a fim de superar a aparência do fenômeno e apreender a dinamicidade de sua estrutura de forma universal, particular e singular. Considera-se importante pontuar que os seis anos de aplicabilidade da Lei “Maria da Penha” em Belém ainda não surtiu resultados efetivamente satisfatórios, em decorrência da falta de equipamentos públicos destinados ao atendimento desse tipo de violência, pois existe apenas 01 (uma) Delegacia da Mulher e 03 (três) varas de violência doméstica e familiar contra a mulher na capital do Estado e a carência de recursos, financeiros, materiais e pessoais, configurando um quadro ainda deficitário para a implementação integral da Lei. Dessa maneira, embora a Lei tenha proporcionado a possibilidade de proteção e justiça, essa situação ainda não se concretizou de fato em Belém do Pará. Porém, não se pode desconsiderar a importância dessa Lei e as mudanças propostas por ela, com o objetivo de universalizar o acesso à justiça por contingentes da população historicamente excluídos de direitos e principalmente o mérito do reconhecimento da violência doméstica e familiar contra a mulher, em suas diferentes modalidades, como problema público e social, passível de inferência das forças do Estado. Logo, existe uma legislação nacional capaz de reduzir a incidência desse fenômeno, se aplicada de modo consistente e efetivo, com o fortalecimento e ampliação da rede de proteção à mulher vítima de violência, pois o problema é complexo e envolve medidas judiciais, administrativas, legislativas, econômicas, sociais e culturais, sem as quais ficaria inviável realizar um atendimento global ao problema. A Lei n.º 11.340/06 ainda se encontra em fase de experimentação e certamente deverá sofrer vários ajustes, porém é preciso manter o texto em sua integralidade por tempo suficiente para medir o seu impacto, evitando alterações precipitadas que possam desfigurar ou até anular a referida Lei.

Lei de responsabilidade educacional: direito fundamental à educação, regime jurídico administrativo e responsabilização dos agentes públicos

Pós-graduação em Educação - FCT

A tempestividade da prestação da tutela jurisdicional como requisito essencial à efetividade do direito

Pós-graduação em Direito - FCHS

Farm Bureau Legislative Conference

Thank you for asking me to be here with you today. It's always a pleasure. I'm really pleased to talk about my requested topic, which deals with my vision for IANR. Believe me, my vision for the future of Nebraska agriculture and my vision for the future of the Institute of Agriculture and Natural Resources are intertwined, and very bright! That doesn't make me an oracle, of course, but it does make me enthusiastic about my topic!

Anaerobic energy provision does not limit Wingate exercise performance in endurance-trained cyclists

[EN] The aim of this study was to evaluate the effects of severe acute hypoxia on exercise performance and metabolism during 30-s Wingate tests. Five endurance- (E) and five sprint- (S) trained track cyclists from the Spanish National Team performed 30-s Wingate tests in normoxia and hypoxia (inspired O(2) fraction = 0.10). Oxygen deficit was estimated from submaximal cycling economy tests by use of a nonlinear model. E cyclists showed higher maximal O(2) uptake than S (72 +/- 1 and 62 +/- 2 ml x kg(-1) x min(-1), P < 0.05). S cyclists achieved higher peak and mean power output, and 33% larger oxygen deficit than E (P < 0.05). During the Wingate test in normoxia, S relied more on anaerobic energy sources than E (P < 0.05); however, S showed a larger fatigue index in both conditions (P < 0.05). Compared with normoxia, hypoxia lowered O(2) uptake by 16% in E and S (P < 0.05). Peak power output, fatigue index, and exercise femoral vein blood lactate concentration were not altered by hypoxia in any group. Endurance cyclists, unlike S, maintained their mean power output in hypoxia by increasing their anaerobic energy production, as shown by 7% greater oxygen deficit and 11% higher postexercise lactate concentration. In conclusion, performance during 30-s Wingate tests in severe acute hypoxia is maintained or barely reduced owing to the enhancement of the anaerobic energy release. The effect of severe acute hypoxia on supramaximal exercise performance depends on training background.

Essays on the political economy of European integration

Recently, a rising interest in political and economic integration/disintegration issues has been developed in the political economy field. This growing strand of literature partly draws on traditional issues of fiscal federalism and optimum public good provision and focuses on a trade-off between the benefits of centralization, arising from economies of scale or externalities, and the costs of harmonizing policies as a consequence of the increased heterogeneity of individual preferences in an international union or in a country composed of at least two regions. This thesis stems from this strand of literature and aims to shed some light on two highly relevant aspects of the political economy of European integration. The first concerns the role of public opinion in the integration process; more precisely, how economic benefits and costs of integration shape citizens' support for European Union (EU) membership. The second is the allocation of policy competences among different levels of government: European, national and regional. Chapter 1 introduces the topics developed in this thesis by reviewing the main recent theoretical developments in the political economy analysis of integration processes. It is structured as follows. First, it briefly surveys a few relevant articles on economic theories of integration and disintegration processes (Alesina and Spolaore 1997, Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina et al. 2000, Casella and Feinstein 2002) and discusses their relevance for the study of the impact of economic benefits and costs on public opinion attitude towards the EU. Subsequently, it explores the links existing between such political economy literature and theories of fiscal federalism, especially with regard to normative considerations concerning the optimal allocation of competences in a union. Chapter 2 firstly proposes a model of citizens’ support for membership of international unions, with explicit reference to the EU; subsequently it tests the model on a panel of EU countries. What are the factors that influence public opinion support for the European Union (EU)? In international relations theory, the idea that citizens' support for the EU depends on material benefits deriving from integration, i.e. whether European integration makes individuals economically better off (utilitarian support), has been common since the 1970s, but has never been the subject of a formal treatment (Hix 2005). A small number of studies in the 1990s have investigated econometrically the link between national economic performance and mass support for European integration (Eichenberg and Dalton 1993; Anderson and Kalthenthaler 1996), but only making informal assumptions. The main aim of Chapter 2 is thus to propose and test our model with a view to providing a more complete and theoretically grounded picture of public support for the EU. Following theories of utilitarian support, we assume that citizens are in favour of membership if they receive economic benefits from it. To develop this idea, we propose a simple political economic model drawing on the recent economic literature on integration and disintegration processes. The basic element is the existence of a trade-off between the benefits of centralisation and the costs of harmonising policies in presence of heterogeneous preferences among countries. The approach we follow is that of the recent literature on the political economy of international unions and the unification or break-up of nations (Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina and Wacziarg 1999, Alesina et al. 2001, 2005a, to mention only the relevant). The general perspective is that unification provides returns to scale in the provision of public goods, but reduces each member state’s ability to determine its most favoured bundle of public goods. In the simple model presented in Chapter 2, support for membership of the union is increasing in the union’s average income and in the loss of efficiency stemming from being outside the union, and decreasing in a country’s average income, while increasing heterogeneity of preferences among countries points to a reduced scope of the union. Afterwards we empirically test the model with data on the EU; more precisely, we perform an econometric analysis employing a panel of member countries over time. The second part of Chapter 2 thus tries to answer the following question: does public opinion support for the EU really depend on economic factors? The findings are broadly consistent with our theoretical expectations: the conditions of the national economy, differences in income among member states and heterogeneity of preferences shape citizens’ attitude towards their country’s membership of the EU. Consequently, this analysis offers some interesting policy implications for the present debate about ratification of the European Constitution and, more generally, about how the EU could act in order to gain more support from the European public. Citizens in many member states are called to express their opinion in national referenda, which may well end up in rejection of the Constitution, as recently happened in France and the Netherlands, triggering a European-wide political crisis. These events show that nowadays understanding public attitude towards the EU is not only of academic interest, but has a strong relevance for policy-making too. Chapter 3 empirically investigates the link between European integration and regional autonomy in Italy. Over the last few decades, the double tendency towards supranationalism and regional autonomy, which has characterised some European States, has taken a very interesting form in this country, because Italy, besides being one of the founding members of the EU, also implemented a process of decentralisation during the 1970s, further strengthened by a constitutional reform in 2001. Moreover, the issue of the allocation of competences among the EU, the Member States and the regions is now especially topical. The process leading to the drafting of European Constitution (even if then it has not come into force) has attracted much attention from a constitutional political economy perspective both on a normative and positive point of view (Breuss and Eller 2004, Mueller 2005). The Italian parliament has recently passed a new thorough constitutional reform, still to be approved by citizens in a referendum, which includes, among other things, the so called “devolution”, i.e. granting the regions exclusive competence in public health care, education and local police. Following and extending the methodology proposed in a recent influential article by Alesina et al. (2005b), which only concentrated on the EU activity (treaties, legislation, and European Court of Justice’s rulings), we develop a set of quantitative indicators measuring the intensity of the legislative activity of the Italian State, the EU and the Italian regions from 1973 to 2005 in a large number of policy categories. By doing so, we seek to answer the following broad questions. Are European and regional legislations substitutes for state laws? To what extent are the competences attributed by the European treaties or the Italian Constitution actually exerted in the various policy areas? Is their exertion consistent with the normative recommendations from the economic literature about their optimum allocation among different levels of government? The main results show that, first, there seems to be a certain substitutability between EU and national legislations (even if not a very strong one), but not between regional and national ones. Second, the EU concentrates its legislative activity mainly in international trade and agriculture, whilst social policy is where the regions and the State (which is also the main actor in foreign policy) are more active. Third, at least two levels of government (in some cases all of them) are significantly involved in the legislative activity in many sectors, even where the rationale for that is, at best, very questionable, indicating that they actually share a larger number of policy tasks than that suggested by the economic theory. It appears therefore that an excessive number of competences are actually shared among different levels of government. From an economic perspective, it may well be recommended that some competences be shared, but only when the balance between scale or spillover effects and heterogeneity of preferences suggests so. When, on the contrary, too many levels of government are involved in a certain policy area, the distinction between their different responsibilities easily becomes unnecessarily blurred. This may not only leads to a slower and inefficient policy-making process, but also risks to make it too complicate to understand for citizens, who, on the contrary, should be able to know who is really responsible for a certain policy when they vote in national,local or European elections or in referenda on national or European constitutional issues.

Product placement e libertà di espressione

Object of the search is the advertising phenomenon of the "product placement", with reference to that it has been investigated legality’s limits, as well as the relationship with the constitutionally protected liberty of expression. Particularly, it has been analyzed, in first place, the problem of the relationship between the freedom of expression and the liberty of economic initiative, with particular reference to the different circles of guardianship to these prepared: or, larger, the one provided for the first from the 21th article of Costitution, more circumscribed, instead, the one established in the 41th article of Costitution, with reference to the second. This analysis has been made with the purpose to investigate the coordination among such liberties in those forms of communications that, for the proper peculiarities that characterize them, can be qualified, according to the concrete circumstances in which they are spread, so much forms of liberty of expression, how much exercise of an activity of enterprise. Under this last profile, it has been taken attention on the advertising activity and, specially, on the non transparent publicities, or not immediately perceivable as such from their receivers, and, therefore, in contrast with the advertising trasparence’s principle: or, the so-called cases of hidden publicity, what the editorial publicity, both "in narrow sense" both "in general sense", as well as the phenomenon of the product placement (or positioning of product), by now diffused in the commercial routine. Therefore, it has been proceeded to a complete and exhaustive examination of innovations introduced by the recent legislative discipline in subject of “planned placement of marks and products” in the cinema works, appraising, in the specific one, the effects, juridical and no juridical, consequential from the introduction of a first form of regulation of the phenomenon of the product placement and, particularly, from the express provision about the legality of the use to such advertising, if it has realized according to specific requirements or condition. In relationship to such profile, it has been also investigate limits (sub kind of normative gaps) from which the recently introduced discipline in subject would seem characterized. Finally, a further circle of investigation has concerned the possible organization of the phenomenon under a negotiate aspect, as particular contract of advertising, in which the object consists in an promotional activity. Concerning this, the experience of foreign countries (above all the Anglo-Saxon one) has been very important, because of the absence, in our arrangement, of a general normative discipline about advertising contracts. Consequently, I’ve investigated principal characteristics of similar contracts, in first place the atypicalness, because of the lack, in Italy, of a legislative discipline of this contract. Such investigation has also been developed through a comparation between the positioning of product and the other advertising contracts, among which, particularly, the sponsorship, as well as the contracts for the advertising exploitation of the name and other people's image, and, specially, the contract of testimonial and the contract of endorsement.

Unitarietà della successione mortis causa, successioni anomale e separate, alla luce delle recenti evoluzioni legislative

L'Autore opera una ricostruzione teorica del concetto di unità della successione, apprezzandone diverse sfumature: un significato più ristretto, per cui esso si lega al concetto di universitas ed individua appunto come unico il complesso delle situazioni giuridiche soggettive riferibili al de cuius; un secondo concetto più ampio, per cui unitarietà della successione mortis causa è il fenomeno per cui la successione nella somma delle posizioni giuridiche spettanti al defunto riceve una unica regolazione legislativa; un terzo profilo, che abbandona il concetto di successione mortis causa in senso giuridico, per accostarsi ad un concetto (piuttosto di natura economica)di unità della vicenda successoria. Se il concetto di unità della successione possiede un triplice, valore, anche la deroga ad esso potrà assumere diverse vesti, a seconda che incida sul primo, sul secondo o sul terzo di questi significati. Se il terzo profilo riguarda piuttosto un concetto economico e non tecnico di successione, ed importa conseguentemente deroghe solo indirette all’unità della successione, l’anomalia può essere di due tipi: possono essere dettate regole particolari per singoli beni, che però rimangono entro l’unica massa ereditaria, pur avendo una destinazione loro propria, e può invece essere creata dal legislatore una separata massa per cui si fa luogo ad una distinta regolazione successoria. Procedendo nella classificazione, le ipotesi di una deroga del primo tipo possono essere definite successioni speciali, riservando alla seconda classe di anomalie il nome di successioni separate. Conclusivamente, l'autore rileva che la disciplina della vicenda successoria, così come consegnata dalla tradizione e sancita ancora nelle norme della codificazione del 1942, non è più caratterizzata dall’assoluto dominio del principio di unità della successione, anche perché non si è rivelata, nella esperienza giuridica successiva alla codificazione, del tutto adeguata, in relazione a determinate categorie di beni e ad alcune categorie di soggetti coinvolti. Il legislatore ha infatti ritenuto di introdurre deroghe, via via maggiori al principio, con riferimento sia ai beni d’impresa sia alla particolare posizione – ed agli interessi tutelati – dei soggetti più vicini al de cuius, come il coniuge ed i parenti che vivessero a suo carico.

Welfare provision in Sweden and the dominant position of the Sap

There have been almost fifty years since Harry Eckstein' s classic monograph, A Theory of Stable Democracy (Princeton, 1961), where he sketched out the basic tenets of the “congruence theory”, which was to become one of the most important and innovative contributions to understanding democratic rule. His next work, Division and Cohesion in Democracy, (Princeton University Press: 1966) is designed to serve as a plausibility probe for this 'theory' (ftn.) and is a case study of a Northern democratic system, Norway. What is more, this line of his work best exemplifies the contribution Eckstein brought to the methodology of comparative politics through his seminal article, “ “Case Study and Theory in Political Science” ” (in Greenstein and Polsby, eds., Handbook of Political Science, 1975), on the importance of the case study as an approach to empirical theory. This article demonstrates the special utility of “crucial case studies” in testing theory, thereby undermining the accepted wisdom in comparative research that the larger the number of cases the better. Although not along the same lines, but shifting the case study unit of research, I intend to take up here the challenge and build upon an equally unique political system, the Swedish one. Bearing in mind the peculiarities of the Swedish political system, my unit of analysis is going to be further restricted to the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Svenska Arbetare Partiet. However, my research stays within the methodological framework of the case study theory inasmuch as it focuses on a single political system and party. The Swedish SAP endurance in government office and its electoral success throughout half a century (ftn. As of the 1991 election, there were about 56 years - more than half century - of interrupted social democratic "reign" in Sweden.) are undeniably a performance no other Social Democrat party has yet achieved in democratic conditions. Therefore, it is legitimate to inquire about the exceptionality of this unique political power combination. Which were the different components of this dominance power position, which made possible for SAP's governmental office stamina? I will argue here that it was the end-product of a combination of multifarious factors such as a key position in the party system, strong party leadership and organization, a carefully designed strategy regarding class politics and welfare policy. My research is divided into three main parts, the historical incursion, the 'welfare' part and the 'environment' part. The first part is a historical account of the main political events and issues, which are relevant for my case study. Chapter 2 is devoted to the historical events unfolding in the 1920-1960 period: the Saltsjoebaden Agreement, the series of workers' strikes in the 1920s and SAP's inception. It exposes SAP's ascent to power in the mid 1930s and the party's ensuing strategies for winning and keeping political office, that is its economic program and key economic goals. The following chapter - chapter 3 - explores the next period, i.e. the period from 1960s to 1990s and covers the party's troubled political times, its peak and the beginnings of the decline. The 1960s are relevant for SAP's planning of a long term economic strategy - the Rehn Meidner model, a new way of macroeconomic steering, based on the Keynesian model, but adapted to the new economic realities of welfare capitalist societies. The second and third parts of this study develop several hypotheses related to SAP's 'dominant position' (endurance in politics and in office) and test them afterwards. Mainly, the twin issues of economics and environment are raised and their political relevance for the party analyzed. On one hand, globalization and its spillover effects over the Swedish welfare system are important causal factors in explaining the transformative social-economic challenges the party had to put up with. On the other hand, Europeanization and environmental change influenced to a great deal SAP's foreign policy choices and its domestic electoral strategies. The implications of globalization on the Swedish welfare system will make the subject of two chapters - chapters four and five, respectively, whereupon the Europeanization consequences will be treated at length in the third part of this work - chapters six and seven, respectively. Apparently, at first sight, the link between foreign policy and electoral strategy is difficult to prove and uncanny, in the least. However, in the SAP's case there is a bulk of literature and public opinion statistical data able to show that governmental domestic policy and party politics are in a tight dependence to foreign policy decisions and sovereignty issues. Again, these country characteristics and peculiar causal relationships are outlined in the first chapters and explained in the second and third parts. The sixth chapter explores the presupposed relationship between Europeanization and environmental policy, on one hand, and SAP's environmental policy formulation and simultaneous agenda-setting at the international level, on the other hand. This chapter describes Swedish leadership in environmental policy formulation on two simultaneous fronts and across two different time spans. The last chapter, chapter eight - while trying to develop a conclusion, explores the alternative theories plausible in explaining the outlined hypotheses and points out the reasons why these theories do not fit as valid alternative explanation to my systemic corporatism thesis as the main causal factor determining SAP's 'dominant position'. Among the alternative theories, I would consider Traedgaardh L. and Bo Rothstein's historical exceptionalism thesis and the public opinion thesis, which alone are not able to explain the half century social democratic endurance in government in the Swedish case.

The role of collective action in the provision of agri-environmental public goods: theoretical development through case studies in Italy

The thesis aims at analysing the role of collective action as a viable alternative to the traditional forms of intervention in agriculture in order to encourage the provision of agri-environmental public goods. Which are the main benefits of collective action, in terms of effectiveness and efficiency, compared to traditional market or public intervention policies? What are the drivers that encourage farmers to participate into collective action? To what extent it is possible to incorporate collective aspects into policies aimed at providing agri-environmental public goods? With the objective of addressing these research questions, the thesis is articulated in two levels: a theoretical analysis on the role of collective action in the provision of public goods and a specific investigation of two local initiative,s were an approach collective management of agro-environmental resources was successfully implemented. The first case study concerns a project named “Custodians of the Territory”, developed by the local agency in Tuscany “Comunità Montana Media Valle del Serchio”, which settled for an agreement with local farmers for a collective provision of environmental services related to the hydro-geological management of the district. The second case study is related to the territorial agri-environmental agreement experimented in Valdaso (Marche), where local farmers have adopted integrated pest management practices collectively with the aim of reducing the environmental impact of their farming practices. The analysis of these initiatives, carried out through participatory methods (Rapid Rural Appraisal), allowed developing a theoretical discussion on the role of innovative tools (such as co-production and co-management) in the provision of agri-environmental public goods. The case studies also provided some recommendations on the government intervention and policies needed to promote successful collective action for the provision of agri-environmental public goods.

Imposte indirette sul commercio elettronico

In questo lavoro si analizza l’imposizione indiretta nel commercio elettronico; l’analisi si è basata sullo studio della normativa Comunitaria (Direttive Europee ) e la legislazione e Italiana, esponendo anche le differenze con il profilo legislativo brasiliano (softwares e libri).Esposti i contributi delle istituzione internazionali (conferenze ed/o proposte della Unione Europea) per l’inquadramento tipologico e fiscale del commercio elettronico, sono stati analizzati i profili generali dell’istituto della stabile organizzazione ai fini dell’imposizione dell’IVA e al commercio elettronico, distinguendo anche tra le transazioni elettroniche considerabili come cessione di beni e quelle considerabili prestazioni di servizi, in base alla materialità o alla dematerializzazione del bene scambiato. Anche il principio di territorialità nelle prestazioni di servizi è stato analizzato tramite analisi dei regimi ordinario e speciale riguardanti gli operatori extracomunitari.

Gender inequity in the provision of care for hip disease: population-based cross-sectional study

Objectives To examine gender differences along the care pathway to total hip replacement. Methods We conducted a population-based cross-sectional study of 26,046 individuals aged 35 years and over in Avon and Somerset. Participants completed a questionnaire asking about care provision at five milestones on the pathway to total hip replacement. Those reporting hip disease were invited to a clinical examination. We estimated odds ratios (ORs) [95% confidence intervals (CI)] for provision of care to women compared with men. Results 3169 people reported hip pain, 2018 were invited for clinical examination, and 1405 attended (69.6%). After adjustment for age and disease severity, women were less likely than men to have consulted their general practitioner (OR 0.78, 95%-CI 0.61–1.00), as likely as men to have received drug therapy for hip pain in the previous year (OR 0.96, 95%-CI 0.74–1.24), but less likely to have been referred to specialist care (OR 0.53, 95%-CI 0.40–0.70), to have consulted an orthopaedic surgeon (OR 0.50, 95%-CI 0.32–0.78), or to be on a waiting list for total hip replacement (OR 0.41, 95%-CI 0.20–0.87). Differences remained in the 746 people who had sought care from their general practitioner, and after adjustment for willingness and fitness for surgery. Conclusions There are gender inequalities in provision of care for hip disease in England, which are not fully accounted for by gender differences in care seeking and treatment preferences. Differences in referral to specialist care by general practitioners might unwittingly contribute to this inequity. Accurate information about availability, benefits and risks of hip replacement for providers and patients, and continuing education to ensure that clinicians interpret and correct patients' assumptions could help reduce inequalities.