The new Workmen's Compensation Act made plain : the workman's guide /

Cover included in pagination.

Report of the Annual Conference

Mode of access: Internet.

Histoire du Vicomte de Turenne, Maréchal Général des Armées du Roy : tome second, contenant les Preuves en trois parties.

Histoire du Vicomte de Turenne, livre VI ; Preuves de l'Histoire du Vicomte de Turenne. Premiere partie, contenant les memoires du Vicomte ecrits de sa propre main ; Relation de la campagne de Fribourg par le Marquis de La Moussaye ; Preuves de l'Histoire du Vicomte de Turenne. Seconde partie, contenant plusieurs Lettres, Brevets, Instructions Politiques, & autres Pieces ; Preuves de l'Histoire du Vicomte de Turenne. Troisiéme partie, contenant les Memoires du Duc d'Yorck, depuis Jacques II Roi de la Grande-Bretagne.

Socialism and government ...

Series title also at head of t.-p.

Industrial relations in the road passenger transport industry-a political-economic analysis.

This thesis examines the British Bus and Tram Industry from 1889 to 1988. The first determinant of the pattern of industrial relations is the development of the labour-process. The labour process changes with the introduction of new technology (electrified trams and mechanised buses), the concentration and centralisation of ownership, the decline of competition, changing market position, municipal and state regulation, ownership and control. The tram industry, as a consequence of electrification, is almost wholly municipally owned and the history of the labour process from horse-trams to the decline of the industry is examined. The bus industry has a less unified structure and is examined by sector; London, Municipal, and Territorial/Provincial. The small independent sector is largely ignored. The labour process is examined from the horse-bus to the present day. The development of resistance in the labour process is discussed both as a theoretical problematic (the `Braverman Debate') and through the process of unionisation, the centralisation and bureaucratisation of the unions, the development of national bargaining structures (National Joint Industrial Council and the National Council for the Omnibus Industry), and the development of resistance to those processes. This resistance takes either a syndicalist form, or under Communist Party leadership the form of rank and file movements, or simply unofficial organisations of branch officials. The process of centralisation of the unions, bureaucratisation and the institutionalisation of bargaining and the relationship between this process and the role of the Unions in the Labour Party is examined. Neo-corporatism, that is the increasing integration of the leadership of the main Union, the T.G.W.U.with the Labour Party and with the State is discussed. In theoretical terms, this thesis considers the debate around the notion of `labour process', the relationship between labour process and labour politics and between labour process and labour history. These relationships are placed within a discussion of class consciousness.

The campaign to save Croxteth comprehensive: an ethnographic study of a protest movement

This thesis is based on ethnographic research carried out on a Liverpool protest movement which occurred between November, 1980 and July,1983. The protest movement was waged by residents of the working class community of Croxteth Liverpool who wished to retain their state secondary school, Croxteth Comprehensive. The Liverpool City Council voted in favour of closing Croxteth Comprehensive in January, 1981 because of its declining roles. Residents began theIr campaign as soon as they became aware of intentions to close the school at the end of the previous year. The campaIgn itself went through a number of different phases, distinguishable accordIng to the groups of people involved, the strategy and tactics they employed, the ways in which they justified their campaign, and the goals they pursued. In July of 1982 the organisation which led the protest, the Croxteth Community Action Committee, took illegal possession of the school buildings and ran a pilot summer school project. In September of 1982 they opened the school doors for all secondary pupils on the council estate and began running classes, with the help of volunteer teachers. The school was run successfully in this way for the entire 1982/83 school year. By the end of this period the school was officially reinstated by a new Labour Party majorIty on the city council. This thesis presents a comprehensive account of the entire campaign, from its beginning to end. The campaign is analysed in a number of ways: by situating the closure itself in the economic and political conditions of Liverpool in the 1980s, by examining the relation of Croxteth Comprehensive to its community, by describing the conditions in which different groups of people contributed to the campaign and the changes it went through in its use of tactics, and through a close examination of the activities which took place inside the school during its year of occupation. A number of levels of analysis are used in the study. To explain the closure and the early forms of resistance which developed to oppose it, the structural location of the local government of Liverpool in the late 1970s and early 1980s is described. To explain the relationship of the school to its community, the formation of a group of activists and their leaders, and the resources available to the protestors for pursuing their aims, a single-group model of social action is used. To analyse the establishment of social routines and schooling practices within the school during its occupation, action-theoretica1 models are drawn upon., The chapters of literature review and concept analysis with which this thesis begins link these different levels theoretIcalIy through a model of actIon and its conditions. The theoretical framework employed is reviewed in the last chapter. It is one which could be used to study any social movement, and has applications to other social phenomena as well. Lastly various issues within the sociology of education are examined in light of the events which took place in Croxteth Comprehensive, especially the theory of community education.

British racial discourse: a study of political discourse about race and race-related matters at parliamentary and borough council levels

'British Racial Discourse' is a study of political discourse about race and race-related matters. The explanatory theory is adapted from current sociological studies of ideology with a heavy emphasis on the tradition developed from Marx and Engels's Feuerbach. The empirical data is drawn from the parliamentary debates on immigration and the Race Relations Bills, Conservative and Labour Party Conference Reports, and a set of interviews with Wolverhampton Borough councillors. Although the thesis has broader significance for British political discourse about race, it is particularly concerned with the responses of members of the two main political parties, rather than with the more overt and sensational racism of certain extreme Right-wing groups. Indeed, as the study progresses, it focuses more and more narrowly on the phenomenon of 'deracialised' discourse, and the details of the predominantly class-based justificatory systems of the Conservative and Labour Parties. Of particular interest are the argument forms (used in the debates on immigration and race relations) which manage to obscure the white electorate's responsibility for prejudice and discrimination. Such discoursive forms are of major significance for understanding British race relations, and their detailed examination provides an insight into the way in which 'ideological facades' are created and maintained.

Mariage et altérité : les alliances mixtes chez la noblesse canadienne après la Conquête (1760-1800)

Le 8 septembre 1760, la Nouvelle-France s’incline devant son opposant, la Grande-Bretagne, après six années de conflits armés. La fin des hostilités en Europe, concrétisée par la signature du traité de Paris le 10 février 1763, marque un tournant pour les habitants de la vallée du Saint-Laurent qui ont désormais un nouveau souverain. Le changement de régime est lourd de répercussions, particulièrement pour la noblesse canadienne. Étant donné qu’ils sont dépendants des dirigeants afin d’obtenir des postes de choix, les membres de ce groupe privilégié ayant décidé de rester dans la colonie doivent s’adapter s’ils désirent maintenir leur statut social. L’arrivée des nouvelles élites militaires, administratives et commerciales britanniques oblige la noblesse à se renouveler. Les familles nobles ont-elles usé de stratégies matrimoniales en mariant leurs enfants à des individus non francophones dans le but de se rapprocher des autorités? En contrepartie, ces alliances interethniques ont-elles permis aux conjoints « étrangers » de s’insérer dans les réseaux seigneuriaux? Les unions mixtes impliquant un membre de la noblesse sont peu nombreuses (38) et concernent surtout les filles nobles. La présence de fils nobles n’est pas pour autant inexistante, bien que les comportements de ceux-ci se distinguent de leurs compatriotes féminines. Ayant des caractéristiques hétérogènes, les mariages mixtes perpétuent tout de même les pratiques en place sous le régime français, notamment sur le plan sociodémographique. Les parcours religieux variés sont toutefois le reflet de la période de transition que constitue la deuxième moitié du XVIIIe siècle. Sur le plan socioprofessionnel, les conjoints non francophones ont relativement bien tiré profit de leur alliance avec une noble canadienne, contrairement aux pères nobles. Malgré leur nombre restreint, l’étude des mariages mixtes permet de documenter un phénomène jusque là méconnu, en plus d’approfondir les connaissances en histoire de la famille et du genre pour les quarante années qui suivent la Conquête.

Recueil des campagnes océanographiques françaises 2006

Ce recueil présente les résumés des campagnes océanographiques des organismes publics français qui se sont déroulées en 2006 sur les navires français ou en coopération sur d’autres navires. Les navires océanographiques français sont gérés par les organismes suivants : * CNRS/INSU (Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique / Institut National des Sciences de l’Univers), * IFREMER (Institut Français de Recherche pour l’Exploitation de la Mer), * IPEV (Institut Polaire Français – Paul Emile Victor), * IRD (Institut de Recherche et Développement, anciennement ORSTOM), * MARINE NATIONALE/SHOM (Service Hydrographique et Océanographique de la Marine Nationale). Enfin, des accords d’échange de temps navire existent avec plusieurs pays dont la Grande-Bretagne, l’Allemagne, les Etats-Unis et l’Espagne. Ils permettent de réaliser des campagnes sur des navires de ces pays. Les résumés (Cruise Summary Reports) des campagnes sont publiés annuellement dans ce recueil depuis l’année 1977, et archivés dans la base du SISMER « Campagnes Océanographiques Françaises ». Par ailleurs, dans le cadre du programme européen SeaDataNet (contrat n°026212, http://www.seadatanet.org ), ces résumés sont transmis au BSH/DOD (Centre national de données allemand) qui assure la diffusion internationale des CSR (Cruise Summary Report) européens, en particulier vers le CIEM. La collecte et la circulation internationale de ces résumés constituent une composante importante des échanges internationaux de données océanographiques. En retour, ils facilitent la constitution de jeux de données globaux accessibles à tous. C’est un devoir d’y contribuer, c’est aussi un intérêt pour tous.

Recueil des campagnes océanographiques françaises 2005

Ce recueil présente les résumés des campagnes océanographiques des organismes publics français qui se sont déroulées en 2005 sur les navires français ou en coopération sur d’autres navires. Les navires océanographiques français sont gérés par les organismes suivants : * CNRS/INSU (Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique / Institut National des Sciences de l’Univers) * IFREMER (Institut Français de Recherche pour l’Exploitation de la Mer) * IPEV (Institut Polaire Français – Paul Emile Victor) * IRD (Institut de Recherche et Développement, anciennement ORSTOM) * SHOM (Service Hydrographique et Océanographique de la Marine Nationale) Enfin, des accords d’échange de temps navire existent avec plusieurs pays dont la Grande-Bretagne, l’Allemagne, les Etats-Unis et l’Espagne qui permettent de réaliser des campagnes sur des navires de ces pays. Les résumés (Cruise Summary Reports) des campagnes sont publiés annuellement dans ce recueil depuis l’année 1977, et archivés dans la base du SISMER « Campagnes Océanographiques Françaises ». Par ailleurs, dans le cadre du programme européen SeaDataNet (contrat n°026212, http://www.seadatanet.org), ces résumés sont transmis au BSH/DOD (Centre national de données allemand) qui assure la diffusion internationale des CSR (Cruise Summary Report) européens, en particulier vers le CIEM.

A Participação da Marinha Grande no 18 de Janeiro de 1934

Portugal viveu um dos períodos mais sombrios da sua História no Século XX, com o regime autoritário liderado por António de Oliveira Salazar, que governou o país com «mão de ferro» durante mais de três décadas, concretamente entre 1933 e 1968, uma vez que se considera que há alteração de regime sempre que muda o referencial e a Constituição do Estado Novo é de 1933. Para além da ausência de democracia e liberdade, o povo português conviveu com a fome e a ignorância durante décadas, foi perseguido e torturado nas prisões continentais e ultramarinas, nomeadamente no Tarrafal, que se localiza no arquipélago de Cabo Verde. Em 18 de janeiro de 1934, o movimento operário português saiu à rua em várias cidades e vilas de Portugal, entre as quais a Marinha Grande. Na origem do movimento revolucionário esteve a decisão do Presidente do Conselho, através da Constituição de 1933, de impedir o funcionamento de sindicatos livres. Contudo, aquela que se previa ser unicamente uma greve geral contra a decisão do regime acabou por ir mais além, sobretudo na cidade vidreira, onde o quartel da GNR foi tomado, tal como a estação dos Correios, existindo ainda hoje dúvidas sobre a constituição de um soviete. Mais de sete décadas após o ato insurrecional continua muito por esclarecer. Esta Dissertação visa, precisamente, obter respostas a questões tão diversas como quem esteve realmente por detrás do 18 de janeiro de 1934 na Marinha Grande, que consequências teve para a política do Estado Novo e, finalmente, que importância teve na conjuntura. Importa ainda esclarecer por que razão esta derrota do movimento operário português é hoje recordada, com pompa e circunstância, na Marinha Grande, como se tivesse sido uma vitória. De facto, na atualidade, fala-se de uma jornada heroica, mas o Partido Comunista Português praticamente ignorou esse movimento até abril de 1974 e o seu líder à época, Bento Gonçalves (1971, p. 138), apelidou-o de “anarqueirada”.

Risks, costs and labour markets: explaining cross-national patterns of far right party success in European Parliament elections

What is the impact of the economy on cross national variation in far right-wing party support? This paper tests several hypotheses from existing literature on the results of the last three EP elections in all EU member states. We conceptualise the economy affects support because unemployment heightens the risks and costs that the population faces, but this is crucially mediated by labour market institutions. Findings from multiple regression analyses indicate that unemployment, real GDP growth, debt and deficits have no statistically significant effect on far right-wing party support at the national level. By contrast, labour markets influence costs and risks: where unemployment benefits and dismissal regulations are high, unemployment has no effect, but where either one of them is low, unemployment leads to higher far right-wing party support. This explains why unemployment has not led to far right-wing party support in some European countries that experienced the 2008 Eurozone crisis.

História de Farrapos: biografia, historiografia e cultura histórica no Rio Grande do Sul oitocentista

Este trabalho procura conhecer os caminhos pelos quais a história do movimento político-militar Farroupilha (1835-1845) foi escrita. Situando essa busca na produção historiográfica do século XIX, optamos por enfatizar o papel da obra biográfica História do General Osório, nesse processo. Escrita por Fernando Luis Osório sobre seu pai, o marquês do Herval, Manoel Luis Osorio e publicada em 1894, o primeiro volume da narrativa biográfica da vida do General Osorio possuí 7 capítulos sobre sua participação nos conturbados quase 10 anos do movimento Farroupilha. É nesses capítulos que concentramos nossa analise, buscando estabelecer o como essa narrativa participou do processo que delegou à Farroupilha um local de destaque na cultura histórica riograndense como experiência histórica valorosa, que lhe permite ser lembrada, narrada e comemorada em festa patriótica até hoje. Dessa forma, procurou-se estabelecer as bases dessa cultura histórica e o papel da Farroupilha junto à ela. Da mesma maneira, visitamos a produção historiográfica do XIX na intenção de compreender seu papel no estabelecimento de valor para o movimento. Analisamos as possibilidades historiografias da obra e as características principais da narrativa como o uso documental, o narrador, as discussões historiográficas e o personagem General Osorio que ali é construído. Identificamos na obra de Fernando Luis Osório impulsos historiográficos característicos do XIX, buscamos relações entre a narrativa ali desenvolvida e a história da Farroupilha e pensamos a participação da mesma no estabelecimento do espaço valoroso dado ao movimento na cultura histórica riograndense de fins do oitocentos.