988 resultados para Kronprins Gustaf Adolf (Motorship)


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La primera tarea de un Instituto nuevo que se dedica a la investigación científica pura dentro de un territorio poco conocido es elaborar un catálogo de las riquezas naturales que constituyen la fauna y la flora de dicho país. Por esta razón es la tarea básica de nuestro Instituto Tropical de Investigaciones Científicas de El Salvador investigar la fauna y flora un mapa geológico del país. Las clases de los vertebrados están terminadas o actualmente en trabajo, tenemos ya en nuestras manos los manuscritos acerca de las aves, anfibios y reptiles de El Salvador; actualmente se están estudiando los mamíferos un especialista en peces, la última clase de vertebrados, llegara a principios del año entrante. También diferentes grupos de los invertebrados, como por ejemplo los caracoles terrestres y varios grupos de insectos están ya investigados. En cuanto a la flora, se está elaborando una descripción de las especies de las catorce familias de la fanerógamas pentacíclicas, a las cuales pertenecen las orquídeas y las bromeliáceas. El trabajo de la fauna y flora tiene dos fines: describir las especies nuevas recién descubiertas y comprobar la presencia de las especies ya conocidas que hasta ahora no se habían descrito.

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Entre los miles de lepidópteros coleccionados por el Dr. Adolf Zilch durante su estancia en El Salvador se hallaban 204 sphingidae de 33 especies donde no se anota diferentemente los animales proceden de San Salvador. Todos fueron coleccionados mediante captura por luz, por ofrecerse precisamente buena ocasión para aquel método en el Instituto Tropical de Investigaciones Científicas de El Salvador. Los faroles colocados alrededor del Instituto atraían con su luz resplandeciente masas de insectos noche tras noche y el Dr. Zilch los coleccionaba cada tres o cuatro horas en la pared iluminada del edificio. En los anales del Instituto de Biología de 1942, Carlos especificó para México 154 especies de sphingidae.

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Hasta hoy día no se habían descrito de El Salvador, coleópteros de la familia de los Girinidos. Por eso me ha alegrado mucho obtener del Museo Senckenberg, en Francfort A. M. Una colección de estos coleópteros, coleccionados por el Dr. Zilch durante sus viajes de exploración, en El Salvador, en el año 1951. El material investigado contenía 7 especies, entre las cuales se encontraban dos Gyretes hasta ahora desconocidos. Simultáneamente recibí del museo zoológico de Vienna tres ejemplares de Dineutus sublimatus que se habían coleccionado en 1877 en El Salvador.

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The historical context surrounding Bruno Taut's Glashaus has been established through work of authors like Reyner Banham, Dennis Sharp and Ian Boyd-Whyte. However, these English language translations, are mostly derived from secondary sources such as Adolf Behne and Paul Scheerbart. Surprisingly, Taut's own writings largely do not feature in this prevailing account of his work. Since 1990, strong doubts have arisen about this conventional picture of Taut's Glashaus. Manfred spiedel, for instance, minimizes Paul Scheerbart's contribution to the design by arguing that Scheerbart met Taut only a few months before the construction of the Glashaus, that is, after Taut had finished his preliminary sketches. Kurt Junghanns goes further and asserts that the Glashaus design was complete beefore Taut and Scheerbart ever met. In 2005, Kai Gutschow published The Culture of Criticism: Adolf Behne and the Development of Modern Architecture in Germany, 1910 - 1914. Most startling, Gutschow asserts that Behne acts as the propagandist for the Glashaus by fabricating its link with Expressionism. This is particularly troubling because nobody contributed more to establishing the link between the Glashaus, Bruno Taut and Expressionism than Behne. As a result of this new evidence, this paper concurs that the established historical understanding of the Glashaus is flawed. By returning to Taut's own writings, a reinterpretation can be offered that strongly links the Glashaus to the Victoria regia lily and Strasbourg Cathedral. The significance of this approach is that it re-establishes Taut's own rational behind the design of the Glashaus, and thus contributes to the re-evaluation of the generally accepted histories of the Modern movement.

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Constructed for the 1914 Werkbund Exhibition in Cologne, Germany, the Glashaus was both a seminal example of early modernist architecture and Bruno Taut’s signature building. Over time, metaphors have come to be applied to the Glashaus. Within the realm of nature these metaphors include cosmic, geological, botanic and sexual. However these metaphors, like the history of the Glashaus, are not a foregone conclusion. Recently it has been argued that the majority of our current knowledge regarding the Glashaus derives not from the perspective of Bruno Taut as the architect, but rather directly from perspective of the art critic Adolf Behne. This argument goes further and proposes that Behne’s official history of Glashaus is possibly fabricated propaganda. So, if indeed the official history of the Glashaus is questionable, then too are the natural metaphors commonly applied to the building. By revisiting Bruno Taut’s pre-1915 writings, this investigation reveals that botanic metaphors appear to have been Taut’s primary source of inspiration for the design of the Glashaus. Through the exposure of this fact, this research contributes significantly to the current debates surrounding Bruno Taut, the Glashaus and the re-evaluation of the official histories of the modern movement.

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Australian dramatic literature of the 1950s and 1960s heralded a new wave in theatre and canonised a unique Australian identity on local and international stages. In previous decades, Australian theatre had been abound with the mythology of the wide brown land and the outback hero. This rural setting proved remote to audiences and sat uneasily within the conventions of the naturalist theatre. It was the suburban home that provided the back drop for this postwar evolution in Australian drama. While there were a number of factors that contributed to this watershed in Australian theatre, little has been written about how the spatial context may have influenced this movement. With the combined effects of postwar urbanization and shifting ideologies around domesticity, a new literary landscape had been created for playwrights to explore. Australian playwrights such as Dorothy Hewett, Ray Lawler and David Williamson transcended the outback hero by relocating him inside the postwar home. The Australian home of the 1960s slowly started subscribing to a new aesthetic of continuous living spaces and patios that extended from the exterior to the interior. These mass produced homes employed diluted spatial principles of houses designed by architects, Le Corbusier, Ludwig Mies Van der Rohe and Adolf Loos in the 1920s and 1930s. In writing about Adolf Loos’ architecture, Beatriz Colomina described the “house as a stage for the family theatre”. She also wrote that the inhabitants of Loos’ houses were “both actors and spectators of the family scene involved”. It has not been investigated as to whether this new capacity to spectate within the home was a catalyst for playwrights to reflect upon, and translate the domestic environment to the stage. Audiences were also accustomed to being spectators of domesticity and could relate to the representations of home in the theatre. Additionally, the domestic setting provided a space for gender discourse; a space in which contestations of masculine and feminine identities could be played out. This research investigates whether spectating within the domestic setting contributed to the revolution in Australian dramatic literature of the 1950s and 1960s. The concept of the spectator in domesticity is underpinned by the work of Beatriz Colomina and Mark Wigley. An understanding of how playwrights may have been influenced by spectatorship within the home is ascertained through interviews and biographical research. The paper explores playwrights’ own domestic experiences and those that have influenced the plays they wrote and endeavours to determine whether seeing into the home played a vital role in canonising the Australian identity on the stage.

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The Glashaus is considered a significant exemplar of early modernist architecture and is generally accepted as having had Expressionist origins. However, current research has revealed that the design origins of this important building are not fully understood. While the historical record acknowledges the contributions of the bohemian poet Paul Scheerbart and the art critic Adolf Behne, the role of the Glashaus’ architect, Bruno Taut, has been moderated. In an attempt to rectify this situation this article proposes that the design origins of the Glashaus can be found in a strong architect-client interaction. It is argued that the Glashaus’ client, the Deutsche Luxfer Prismen Syndikat under the directorship of Frederick Keppler, exerted a significant influence on its design. In order to showcase the glazed products of Luxfer in the best manner possible, Keppler insisted that the design feature a glazed dome, electric lighting, a fountain as well as a cascade. Given the detailed stipulations of this brief, Taut had few options other than to offer interpretations of precedent that derived from the Victoria regia lily and Gothic proportioning. By expounding this architect-client relationship, this article expands our understanding of the Glashaus, and reinvigorates our understanding of this important early example of modern architecture.

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In the research on the Continuation War, interest in the events themselves had exceeded the interest in military planning. Careful consideration has not been given to the planning process and the options that were available. This study shows how the planning of these operations was carried out and identifies the persons responsible. Contrary to earlier research this study shows that persons other than Field-Marshal Carl Gustaf Mannerheim and Quartermaster-General Aksel Airo took part in the planning. Furthermore, the plan was to carry out the operations further east than was ultimately done. The operation plans were coordinated by the Operations Department of Headquarters, which had the opportunity to influence on both Mannerheim and Airo. Part of the actual planning was made outside Headquarters, but final decisions were taken at Headquarters. It is worth observing that many times Mannerheim asked President Risto Ryti for his opinion concerning these operations. The Germans tried to influence the Finnish plans, but the Finns took their decisions independently, although they took German requests into account. It is well-known that the attack by the Finnish forces was stopped at the end of the year 1941. It is less well-known that the Finns planned new attacks until the autumn of 1942. At that point the Finns were convinced that the Germans would lose the war. The Finns were thus prepared to keep advancing should the Germans progress in the direction of Leningrad. This study shows that the Finnish military leaders worked for Finland s own plans and their cooperation with the Germans was directed to achieving this goal. In other words, Finland tried expand eastward with the help of the Germans. This purpose was particularly evident in the planning of the operations in the Hanko district and the Karelian Isthmus in the summer and autumn of 1941, in the Sorokka district in the spring of 1942 and around Lake Ladoga in the summer and autumn of 1942. The Finns reduced their activities when Germans took over responsibility for the operations. However, at the same time the Finns tried to support Germans in passive ways. The Finns justified the decrease in their activities with lack of Finnish forces and numerous defeats. Earlier research has shown that Finland was an active operator in the Continuation War and tried to take back the areas lost in the Winter War. In this study that view becomes more precise and clear especially with regard to Field-Marshal Mannerheim and other high military leaders. There is clear indication that the Finns would have attacked much further east had a German success made such an attack possible.

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Opinnäytetyöni tarkastelee eurooppalaisen kulttuurin kannalta keskeistä kommunikaatiovälinettä, painettua kirjaa, ja sen kansainvälistä luonnetta ja liikkumista. Teemaan perehdytään helsinkiläisen Gustaf Otto Waseniuksen (1789-1852) kirjakaupan toiminnan avulla keskittyen tarkastelemaan ulkomaisen kirjallisuuden tuomista Suomeen 1800-luvun alkupuolella. Tutkielma käsittelee ensisijaisesti itse kauppiastoimintaa: mitä kirjakauppayhteyksiä Waseniuksella oli sekä miten ja keiden ehdoilla ne toimivat. Näiden kysymysten ohessa pohdin myös itse kirjojen välityksellä tapahtunutta tiedonvälitystä. Työn tavoitteena on paljastaa, minkälaisia suomalaisten kirjakauppiaiden ja lukijoiden kirjallisuudenhankinnan sekä lukemisen kontekstit ja resurssit olivat 1800-luvun alkupuolella. Tutkielman lähteinä on käytetty Waseniuksen kirjakaupan kirjeitä ja kuitteja sekä sensuuriviranomaisten arkistoja. Tutkielmani jakautuu kolmeen osaan. Ensiksi paneudun Waseniuksen kauppaverkoston syntyyn ja sen esittelyyn: Waseniuksen kansainväliset yhteydet keskittyivät kolmelle kulttuurialueelle. Ruotsista hän sai kirjoja kaikilta merkittäviltä kustantajilta, kauppiailta sekä itsenäisesti toimivilta kirjailijoilta. Saksankielisen kulttuurin tarjontaa Wasenius pystyi hankkimaan Leipzigin kansainvälisten kirjakauppiaiden avulla. Ranskalaisen kirjallisuuden osalta Wasenius omasi toimivat yhteydet Pariisin kirjakauppiaisiin. Sen sijaan Brittein saaret jäivät vielä Waseniuksen kontaktiverkoston ulkopuolelle, samoin myös Pietarin huomattava kulttuurikeskus. Tämän jälkeen keskityn yhteyksien toimintaan. Wasenius solmi kauppakumppaniensa kanssa yleiseurooppalaisen komissionääri-sopimuksen, jonka valtuuttamana hän sai myydä kunkin ulkomaisen kauppiaan tuotteita liikkeessään. Ensiksi tarkastelen kauppiaiden välisten etäisyyksien ylittämistä. Aikakauden kuljetustavat huomioonottaen suuret etäisyydet eivät Waseniuksen kirjojen hankintaa juuri haitanneet, vaan suurkauppiaana hän pystyi käyttämään aikansa parhaat resurssit lähetystensä kuljettamiseen. Toiseksi pohdin aikakauden kauppiastoimintojen ja kulttuuripiirteiden vaikutusta kirjakauppaan. Waseniuksen toiminta kirjakauppiaana perustui taloudellisen voiton tavoittelulle, mikä tarkoitti mm. sitä, että lähetysten sisältö määrättiin etukäteen hyvin tarkasti. Ennen Suomeen saapumistaan kirjoilla piti olla varma ostaja, minkä Wasenius useimmiten varmisti ennakkotilausluetteloin ja etumaksuin. Kolmanneksi esiin nousevat 1800-luvun alun poliittiset tapahtumat, jotka osaltaan, kauppiaan silmiin kaikkein näkyvimmin, vaikuttivat kirjojen tuontiin. Sensuurin piti periaatteessa estää useiden satojen vaarallisena pidetyn kirjan levittäminen ja lukeminen Suomessa, mutta Wasenius ei suinkaan lopettanut kiellettyjen kirjojen tuontia, vaan salakuljetti sensuroitavia teoksia jatkuvasti liikkeeseensä myytäväksi. Suomalaiset viranomaiset hyväksyivät usein tämänkaltaisen toiminnan, joten venäläistä sensuuriasetusta tai hallintoa ei juuri kunnioitettu. Vertailu eurooppalaiseen kirjakauppatoimintaan osoittaa Waseniuksen omanneen erittäin hyvät kansainväliset suhteet. Tämä kuitenkin johtui niin kirjakauppatoiminnan keskittymisestä harvojen kauppiaiden käsiin kuin myös oman kustannustoiminnan vähyydestä. Tiedonvälityksen kehityksen ja kulttuurihistorian kannalta Waseniuksen kansainvälinen toiminta osoittautuu noudattelevan vielä vanhan eliittikulttuurin muotoja, mutta kirjakauppainstituution kehittyminen aivan uudenlaiseen kukoistukseen valmisteli jo kansallisen kulttuurin nousemista lähivuosikymmeninä.

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Therese Molling (1890-1981) is in back row in white dress, to her left is her mother Henny Molling nee Meyerhof (1864-1934), her husband (and Therese's father) Adolf Molling (1865-1921) is posing on the grass in front.

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Photograph taken shortly before he left Hannover for England on the Kindertransport, May 1938; other data show a January 1938 departure.

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Photograph taken shortly before they left Hannover for England on the Kindertransport

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This family grave is next to the tombstone of Adolf Molling and his wife Henriette (Henny) nee Meyerhof

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(l-r) Ilse Meyerhof, Joel Meyerhof (father), Adolf Meyerhof