Resocialisation of Disabled Veterans in Former Yugoslavia

The team examined 147 amputated war veterans in the former Yugoslavia between February and December 1998. The official end of the war, substitution of lost body parts and adjustment to the new state of physical disability added extra tasks to these people's efforts to rejoin "normal life". The resocialisation process of amputated persons, i.e. the process of their return into the social environment with the related readjustment and establishment, was observed through its objective and subjective indicators. In addition to obtaining information about socio-demographic characteristics and current working status, the group focused on the psychological dimension, i.e. the individual reality of the disabled persons. In this sense they began with research into the personal, social and professional identity (how they see themselves under these altered circumstances and how they determine their place in the world). To do so they used the model of basic personality supports and observed the resocialisation according to the psychological support systems. They therefore focused on the following topics: body, social identity and belonging, personal identity, working status and engagement, individual responsibility and expectations from the social environment, and orientation towards the future. These were considered with respect to certain significant socio-demographic characteristics of the interviewees. The data were gathered through standardised interviews. Bearing in mind the unpopularity of this subject among experts in the country and the lack of material in specialist literature, the group chose to use descriptive research logic in order to "record" the situation in this field and to establish a framework for future studies which may be methodologically and statistically more complex and thematically more focused.

A Sociological Study of the Political Subsystem in Yugoslavia

In this critical analysis of sociological studies of the political subsystem in Yugoslavia since the fall of communism Mr. Ilic examined the work of the majority of leading researchers of politics in the country between 1990 and 1996. Where the question of continuity was important, he also looked at previous research by the writers in question. His aim was to demonstrate the overall extent of existing research and at the same time to identify its limits and the social conditions which defined it. Particular areas examined included the problems of defining basic concepts and selecting the theoretically most relevant indicators; the sources of data including the types of authentic materials exploited; problems of research work (contacts, field control, etc.); problems of analysisl and finally the problems arising from different relations with the people who commission the research. In the first stage of the research, looking at methods of defining key terms, special attention was paid to the analysis of the most frequently used terms such as democracy, totalitarianism, the political left and right, and populism. Numerous weaknesses were noted in the analytic application of these terms. In studies of the possibilities of creating a democratic political system in Serbia and its possible forms (democracy of the majority or consensual democracy), the profound social division of Serbian society was neglected. The left-right distinction tends to be identified with the government-opposition relation, in the way of practical politics. The idea of populism was used to pass responsibility for the policy of war from the manipulator to the manipulated, while the concept of totalitarianism is used in a rather old-fashioned way, with echoes of the cold war. In general, the terminology used in the majority of recent research on the political subsystem in Yugoslavia is characterised by a special ideological style and by practical political material, rather than by developed theoretical effort. The second section of analysis considered the wider theoretical background of the research and focused on studies of the processes of transformation and transition in Yugoslav society, particularly the work of Mladen Lazic and Silvano Bolcic, who he sees as representing the most important and influential contemporary Yugoslav sociologists. Here Mr. Ilic showed that the meaning of empirical data is closely connected with the stratification schemes towards which they are oriented, so that the same data can have different meanings in shown through different schemes. He went on to show the observed theoretical frames in the context of wider ideological understanding of the authors' ideas and research. Here the emphasis was on the formalistic character of such notions as command economy and command work which were used in analysing the functioning and the collapse of communist society, although Mr. Ilic passed favourable judgement on the Lazic's critique of political over-determination in its various attempts to explain the disintegration of the communist political (sub)system. The next stage of the analysis was devoted to the problem of empirical identification of the observed phenomena. Here again the notions of the political left and right were of key importance. He sees two specific problems in using these notion in talking about Yugoslavia, the first being that the process of transition in the FR Yugoslavia has hardly begun. The communist government has in effect remained in power continuously since 1945, despite the introduction of a multi-party system in 1990. The process of privatisation of public property was interrupted at a very early stage and the results of this are evident on the structural level in the continuous weakening of the social status of the middle class and on the political level because the social structure and dominant form of property direct the majority of votes towards to communists in power. This has been combined with strong chauvinist confusion associated with the wars in Croatia and Bosnia, and these ideas were incorporated by all the relevant Yugoslav political parties, making it more difficult to differentiate between them empirically. In this context he quotes the situation of the stream of political scientists who emerged in the Faculty of Political Science in Belgrade. During the time of the one-party regime, this faculty functioned as ideological support for official communist policy and its teachers were unable to develop views which differed from the official line, but rather treated all contrasting ideas in the same way, neglecting their differences. Following the introduction of a multi-party system, these authors changed their idea of a public enemy, but still retained an undifferentiated and theoretically undeveloped approach to the issue of the identification of political ideas. The fourth section of the work looked at problems of explanation in studying the political subsystem and the attempts at an adequate causal explanation of the triumph of Slobodan Milosevic's communists at four subsequent elections was identified as the key methodological problem. The main problem Mr. Ilic isolated here was the neglect of structural factors in explaining the voters' choice. He then went on to look at the way empirical evidence is collected and studied, pointing out many mistakes in planning and determining the samples used in surveys as well as in the scientifically incorrect use of results. He found these weaknesses particularly noticeable in the works of representatives of the so-called nationalistic orientation in Yugoslav sociology of politics, and he pointed out the practical political abuses which these methodological weaknesses made possible. He also identified similar types of mistakes in research by Serbian political parties made on the basis of party documentation and using methods of content analysis. He found various none-sided applications of survey data and looked at attempts to apply other sources of data (statistics, official party documents, various research results). Mr. Ilic concluded that there are two main sets of characteristics in modern Yugoslav sociological studies of political subsystems. There are a considerable number of surveys with ambitious aspirations to explain political phenomena, but at the same time there is a clear lack of a developed sociological theory of political (sub)systems. He feels that, in the absence of such theory, most researcher are over-ready to accept the theoretical solutions found for interpretation of political phenomena in other countries. He sees a need for a stronger methodological bases for future research, either 1) in complementary usage of different sources and ways of collecting data, or 2) in including more of a historical dimension in different attempts to explain the political subsystem in Yugoslavia.

Mothering Children or Soldiers: Advancing Paradigms of the Women's Movement in Former Yugoslavia

The transition of political power in former Yugoslavia and the wars that followed have led to the country's reassessment of the proper role of women in society, culture, nation, and family. Advocates of a new vision of nationalist womanhood assert that the continued existence of the entire country depends solely on women carrying out their reproductive and nurturing roles. This new envisioning clearly serves a political purpose, solely at the expense of the women's movement that has made significant strides in this nation. It is the purpose of this article to provide a brief historical overview of the development of the new idealized "mother of the nation" from a strengths-based social work perspective.

Book Review: Benedetta Brevini, Arne Hintz, and Patrick Mccurdy (eds.): Beyond Wikileaks. Implications for the Future of Communications, Journalism and Society

This is a review of the highly informative and thought-provoking book, Beyond WikiLeaks: Implications for the Future of Communications, Journalism and Society, co-edited by Benedetta Brevini, Arne Hintz and Patrick McCurdy (Palgrave Macmillan, 2013).

Behavioral journalism newsletters to increase employee participation in a free worksite wellness center

Background. Providing an worksite fitness center for employees is an effective setting to increase an adult’s levels of physical activity, demonstrably reducing health care costs and elevating employee productivity. Increasing compliance and adherence among employees to consistently utilize an onsite facility remains a challenge.^ Purpose. To illustrate if two electronic behavioral journalism newsletters can increase employee participation in a free worksite wellness center.^ Design. A randomized control trial was implemented. ^ Setting. A large petroleum-producing corporation located in Houston, Texas Subjects.70 full or part time employees that had checked into visited the wellness center during September, October, and November 2009. ^ Intervention. Two behavioral journalism newsletters were created based on authentic community member role model interviews. Newsletters were distributed to intervention group participants via company email. Intervention and control group participant’s visits to the wellness center were monitored via a key card check in system at the facility for two weeks following the newsletter intervention.^ Analysis. Count variable statistics were used to identify rate differences between the intervention and control group wellness center visits. A binomial test for equality of proportions was used to identify differences between participants that had at least one visit to the wellness center compared with those with none.^ Results. Both intervention and control groups had a baseline of zero wellness center visits. The control group had a mean visit rate 0.441 and the intervention group had 0.857. A 0.416, almost one half more visits were found among the intervention group.^ Conclusion. This study indicates that behavioral journalism newsletters featuring a role model from within the worksite population can be a cost effective communication method to improve participation in an onsite wellness center. ^