Fronteiras (in)visíveis da cidade capitalista: segregação socioespacial no Conjunto Parque Modelo II/Ananindeua-PA

O presente estudo tem como objeto a análise da produção do espaço no interior da cidade capitalista, ratificado historicamente por meio da lógica de desigualdade social que perversamente estabelece a disparidade existente na distribuição de serviços públicos e habitações, através do acesso desigual à moradia, infraestrutura e serviços coletivos, estabelecendo um quadro tenso e contraditório de segregação socioespacial vivenciado por uma grande massa de trabalhadores. Tendo como objetivo apreender o processo de reprodução social dos trabalhadores residentes no Conjunto Parque Modelo II, bairro Curuçambá, no município de Ananindeua a partir das condições de acesso à moradia, infraestrutura e serviços coletivos que definem o processo de segregação socioespacial naquela área. Neste sentido, para que se alcançasse o objetivo proposto pelo trabalho, inicialmente foi desenvolvida pesquisa bibliográfica que subsidiasse a reconstrução sócio - histórica do espaço urbano no município de Ananindeua e no bairro Curuçambá, e posteriormente foi realizada pesquisa de campo estruturada por meio de formulários aplicados junto a uma amostra de 64 (sessenta e quatro) famílias residentes no Conjunto, buscando-se o levantamento de dados que possibilitasse a posterior interpretação das informações obtidas. Com base nos dados, informações e nas análises realizadas, constatou-se que o Conjunto Parque Modelo II em sua gênese e desenvolvimento acompanha a expansão do núcleo urbano central de Ananindeua, sendo constituído em sua maioria por uma população migrante que busca moradia na área visando melhores condições de vida e sobrevivência, por não possuir condições materiais (renda e trabalho) para se instalar ou se manter no centro ou em áreas próximas, e por isso se reproduzem a partir da convivência cotidiana com a violência, ausência de infraestrutura, serviços e equipamentos urbanos precários e da consequente não satisfação de necessidades básicas que revelam a essência do quadro socioeconômico de segregação socioespacial.

Parques urbanos de Fortaleza-CE: espaço vivido e qualidade de vida

Pós-graduação em Geografia - IGCE

A participação dos movimentos sociais urbanos na produção do espaço de João Pessoa-PB

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

Vidas em enclaves. Imaginário das cidades inseguras e fragmentação socioespacial em contextos não metropolitanos

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Planejamento para minimização de fatores de riscos relacionados a descargas elétricas em programas de habitação e urbanização no Estado do Pará

A casa própria representa a segurança familiar para muitos brasileiros. É um bem durável e transferível, por isso é necessário maximizar a segurança para a prevenção de acidentes que envolvem pessoas ou a estrutura. Diminuir o déficit habitacional é parte da missão dos programas habitacionais do Brasil. Como estes são financiados com dinheiro público, também está definida segurança elétrica do imóvel. As estatísticas nacionais indicam que os acidentes elétricos podem culminar em situações graves e irreversíveis. Diante do contexto, o planejamento para minimização de fatores de riscos relacionados as descargas elétricas nas unidades residenciais dos programas de habitação e urbanização no Estado do Pará se justifica. Neste trabalho, são discutidas as circunstâncias dos acidentes elétricos no Estado do Pará, com o objetivo de direcionar as medidas de prevenção e recomendações técnicas de segurança elétrica para as habitações populares. Uma amostra foi propositalmente escolhida, entre os empreendimentos da provisão habitacional do PAC Fase 1 e do PMCMV Faixa 1 localizados nos municípios de Belém e Santa Isabel do Pará, para ser o objeto de estudo, por representar as necessidades elétricas de uma grande metrópole e de um município com menos de setenta mil habitantes. A instrumentação do questionário sobre “Fatores de Riscos Elétricos” aos beneficiários de moradias populares, no mínimo, com um ano de residência, entre os meses de outubro e dezembro de 2013, permitiu a discussão dos resultados relacionados à verificação dos projetos elétricos residenciais e a análise das circunstâncias de ocorrência de acidentes elétricos no Pará (período retroativo de dez anos). Resultando em recomendações técnicas sobre segurança elétrica residencial, para a qual se considerou a revisão da literatura e as características econômicas e socioambientais da Região Amazônica. Durante a análise técnica não foram encontradas não conformidades graves com as NBR 5410:2004 e NBR 5419:2005, mas ficou evidente a necessidade pensar em modelos habitacionais personalizados, principalmente, os projetos de segurança elétrica que consideram as necessidades e características socioambientais da Região Amazônica.

A insegurança e as novas práticas espaciais em cidades brasileiras

New real estate launch products and closed residential spaces, occurs with increasing frequency in Brazilian cities and are based on the assumption that there is a general increase in violence, as we address urban insecurity, which involves individual coping, and privatizing adept practices of exacerbated control mechanisms. We researched deployment and appropriation of residential spaces in middle cities of Sao Paulo (Brazil). We identify social representations of the others, blamed for insecurity growing, and analyzed from everyday life perspective. We hypothesized that new forms of production of urban space with a tendency to social and spatial fragmentation, generate new practices.

Clima e vulnerabilidade socioespacial: uma avaliação dos fatores de risco na população urbana do município de São Luís (MA)

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

O Mercado de terras urbanas e seu papel na produção e transformação do espaço intraurbano em cidades médias: os Casos de Ribeirão Preto/SP e São Carlos/SP

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

A produção imobiliária e a reestruturação das cidades médias: Londrina e Maringá/PR

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Fragmentação socioespacial em cidades médias paulistas

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

A presença da estrutura federal na escala municipal: o programa Minha Casa, Minha Vida e a aplicação de moradias em áreas irregulares nos municípios : uma olhada sobre Campinas/SP

This work aims to analyze the limitations of recent Brazilian urban expansion and, more specifically, the housing policy for low-income population, focused on Minha Casa, Minha Vida in Campinas / SP . It is understood that this program aims to democratize access to housing for excluded populations in the property market, resulting in a right to the city. This policy is analyzed in the living space configuration from the point of view of socio-spatial segregation. To meet the flexibility of real estate developers, urban politic Campinas was subsumed by the entrepreneurship of housing production, was detached from the municipal planning and releasing ownership of urban land for the free flow of capital that circulated by the real estate market in the search for the appropriation of elevation of the ground rent . These processes are understood through intense confinement of poverty in areas that grow randomly deleted and the margin of urban rights

The characterization of residential fungal spores and the relationship with housing characteristics in the Houston area

A number of indoor environmental factors, including bioaerosol or aeroallergen concentrations have been identified as exacerbators for asthma and allergenic conditions of the respiratory system. People generally spend 90% to 95% of their time indoors. Therefore, understanding the environmental factors that affect the presence of aeroallergens indoors as well as outdoors is important in determining their health impact, and in identifying potential intervention methods. This study aimed to assess the relationship between indoor airborne fungal spore concentrations and indoor surface mold levels, indoor versus outdoor airborne fungal spore concentrations and the effect of previous as well as current water intrusion. Also, the association between airborne concentration of indoor fungal spores and surface mold levels and the age of the housing structure were examined. Further, the correlation between indoor concentrations of certain species was determined as well. ^ Air and surface fungal measurements and related information were obtained from a Houston-area data set compiled from visits to homes filing insurance claims. During the sampling visit these complaint homes exhibited either visible mold or a combination of visible mold and water intrusion problems. These data were examined to assess the relationships between the independent and dependent variables using simple linear regression analysis, and independent t-tests. To examine the correlation between indoor concentrations of certain species, Spearman correlation coefficients were used. ^ There were 126 houses sampled, with spring, n=43 (34.1%), and winter, n=42 (33.3%), representing the seasons with the most samples. The summer sample illustrated the highest geometric mean concentration of fungal spores, GM=5,816.5 relative to winter, fall and spring (GM=1,743.4, GM=3,683.5 and GM=2,507.4, respectively). In all seasons, greater concentrations of fungal spores were observed during the cloudy weather conditions. ^ The results indicated no statistically significant association between outdoor total airborne fungal spore concentration and total living room airborne fungal spore concentration (β = 0.095, p = 0.491). Second, living room surface mold levels were not associated with living room airborne fungal spore concentration, (β= 0.011, p = 0.669). Third, houses with and without previous water intrusion did not differ significantly with respect to either living room (t(111) = 0.710, p = 0.528) or bedroom (t(111) =1.673, p = 0.162) airborne fungal spore concentrations. Likewise houses with and without current water intrusion did not differ significantly with respect to living room (t(109)=0.716, p = 0.476) or bedroom (t(109) = 1.035, p = 0.304) airborne fungal spore concentration. Fourth, houses with and without current water intrusion did not differ significantly with respect to living room (χ 2 (5) = 5.61, p = 0.346), or bedroom (χ 2 (5) = 1.80, p = 0.875) surface mold levels. Fifth, the age of the house structure did not predict living room (β = 0.023, p = 0.102) and bedroom (β = 0.023, p = 0.065) surface mold levels nor living room (β = 0.002, p = 0.131) and bedroom (β = 0.001, p = 0.650) fungal spore airborne concentration. Sixth, in houses with visually observed mold growth there was statistically significant differences between the mean living room concentrations and mean outdoor concentrations for Cladosporium (t (107) = 11.73, p < 0.0001), Stachybotrys (t (106)=2.288, p = 0.024, and Nigrosporia (t (102) = 2.267, p = 0.025). Finally, there was a significant correlation between several living room fungal species pairs, namely, Cladosporium and Stachybotrys (r = 0.373, p <0.01, n=65), Curvularia and Aspergillus/Penicillium (r = 0.205, p < 0.05, n= 111)), Curvularia and Stachybotrys (r = 0.205, p < 0.05, n=111), Nigrospora and Chaetomium (r = 0.254, p < 0.01, n=105) and Stachybotrys and Nigrospora (r = 0.269, p < 0.01, n=105). ^ This study has demonstrated several positive findings, i.e., significant pairwise correlations of concentrations of several fungal species in living room air, and significant differences between indoor and outdoor concentrations of three fungal species in homes with visible mold. No association was observed between indoor and outdoor fungal spore concentrations. Neither living room nor bedroom airborne spore concentrations and surface mold levels were related to the age of the house or to water intrusion, either previous or current. Therefore, these findings suggest the need for evaluating additional parameters, as well as combinations of factors such as humidity, temperature, age of structure, ventilation, and room size to better understand the determinants of airborne fungal spore concentrations and surface mold levels in homes. ^

Origin and patterns of distribution of trace elements in street dust. Unleaded petrol and urban lead

The elemental composition, patterns of distribution and possible sources of street dust are not common to all urban environments, but vary according to the peculiarities of each city. The common features and dissimilarities in the origin and nature of street dust were investigated through a series of studies in two widely different cities, Madrid (Spain) and Oslo (Norway), between 1990 and 1994. The most comprehensive sampling campaign was carried out in the Norwegian capital during the summer of 1994. An area of 14 km2, covering most of downtown Oslo and some residential districts to the north of the city, was divided into 1 km2 mapping units, and 16 sampling increments of approximately 150 g were collected from streets and roads in each of them. The fraction below 100 μm was acid-digested and analysed by ICP-MS. Statistical analyses of the results suggest that chemical elements in street dust can be classified into three groups: “urban” elements (Ba, Cd, Co, Cu, Mg, Pb, Sb, Ti, Zn), “natural” elements (Al, Ga, La, Mn, Na, Sr, Th, Y) and elements of a mixed origin or which have undergone geochemical changes from their original sources (Ca, Cs, Fe, Mo, Ni, Rb, Sr, U). Soil resuspension and/or mobilisation appears to be the most important source of “natural” elements, while “urban” elements originate primarily from traffic and from the weathering and corrosion of building materials. The data for Pb seem to prove that the gradual shift from leaded to unleaded petrol as fuel for automobiles has resulted in an almost proportional reduction in the concentration of Pb in dust particles under 100 μm. This fact and the spatial distribution of Pb in the city strongly suggest that lead sources other than traffic (i.e. lead accumulated in urban soil over the years) may contribute as much lead, if not more, to urban street dust.

Nagele: un nuevo asentamiento en un paisaje artificial

Nagele es un asentamiento urbano situado en el Noordoostpolder, territorio neerlandés ganado al mar. Fue diseñado por arquitectos de los grupos De 8 en Opbouw entre los que destacaron Rietveld, Van Eesteren, Van Eyck, Bakema, Stam y Ruys. El proyecto se desarrolló entre 1947 y 1956, un periodo de tiempo con formas de proyectar muy ricas en interpretaciones. Los arquitectos pusieron en crisis los planteamientos historicistas de las nuevas poblaciones de los pólderes. Propusieron un nuevo prototipo, una morfología compacta y concéntrica que transmitiría igualdad a una comunidad agrícola, entendida como una sociedad urbana del siglo XX. La administración apoyó la propuesta que convertiría el proyecto en un arriesgado reto por su falta de antecedentes. La vigencia de las formulaciones permanece hoy en día en la ciudad construida, aunque con alteraciones. En los dibujos del proceso se encuentran los principales enunciados teóricos que este trabajo pretende descubrir. El trabajo aborda aspectos no suficientemente explorados, como su relación con el pólder, la evolución de las estrategias proyectivas, la ordenación paisajista y los elementos urbanos. El Noordoostpolder es la culminación de una serie de experiencias multidisciplinares en el reclamo de tierras a gran escala. Se estudia su estructura urbana policéntrica, la parcelación agrícola que origina el proyecto urbano y la vinculación de la vegetación con la infraestructura, proporcionando orientación, protección climática y escala humana, conceptos que impregnan las estrategias del proyecto urbano. La primera fase de la ordenación configuró áreas monofuncionales que respondían a cada una de las cuatro necesidades básicas del método científico de la ciudad higienista. El acontecimiento que marcó el final de la primera fase fue su presentación en el séptimo CIAM de 1949, cuyo título fue Aplicación de la Carta de Atenas. El programa residencial se dividió en clusters organizados en torno a una pradera vecinal central, vinculándose el orden vecinal, urbano y territorial. La segunda fase fue un catalizador de nuevos planteamientos. El proyecto se transformó en un In-between Realm, un escenario teórico donde coexisten fenómenos tradicionalmente antagónicos que Van Eyck denominó Twin Phenomena, convirtiéndose la ciudad en una réplica formal de la ambivalencia de la mente humana. La indefinición espacial no programada en la propuesta anterior se transformó en un conjunto de espacios urbanos, con límites y dimensiones adaptados a la escala humana. El proyecto es anterior a la obra escrita de Van Eyck por lo que estimuló sus enunciados teóricos. Unas ideas también reconocidas en los tres CIAM posteriores en los que también se expuso el proyecto. El diseño paisajista se integra en el proyecto urbano desde sus orígenes. El límite se compone de una barrera boscosa que protege climáticamente, proporciona escala humana y control visual frente a las llanuras infinitas del pólder. Van Eyck sintetizó el proyecto como una habitación verde sin techo, afirmación que dilucida su equivalencia con el de un interior doméstico. Exteriormente la ciudad se convierte en una unidad autónoma del territorio. Interiormente, un sistema jerarquizado de vegetación vinculado a la arquitectura y la infraestructura constituye espacios urbanos de diferentes escalas. La propuesta fue transformada por Boer y Ruys en un nuevo espacio urbano único, no asimilando los conceptos anteriores. El proyecto y construcción de los primeros elementos urbanos consistió en un reparto de tareas a De 8 en Opbouw, hecho que estimula estudiar su relación con el proyecto urbano. La estructura policéntrica organiza las aulas de las escuelas de Van Eyck, las diferentes áreas confesionales del cementerio de Ruys y las unidades residenciales, diseñadas por Stam, Rietveld y Stam-Besse. Los Twin Phenomena alcanzan un acuerdo en el corredor comercial, diseñado por Bakema y Van der Broek. La generación de espacios dentro de otros aparece también en el cementerio, a través de una nueva barrera boscosa y en el sistema de pliegues del muro que configura la iglesia de Bakema y Van der Broek. El proyecto se vincula a un planteamiento holístico, mediante el que el diseño de cada uno de sus elementos tiene en cuenta las estrategias proyectivas del todo del cual forma parte, convirtiéndose, al igual que las obras de De Stijl, en parte de una composición infinita que acerca arte y diseño en la vida cotidiana de la sociedad. La diversidad generacional e ideológica de estos arquitectos convirtió el proyecto en un tablero de juego sobre el que se aplicaron diferentes formas de proyectar la ciudad, ubicando a Nagele en un punto de inflexión del Movimiento Moderno. ABSTRACT The research focuses on the Nagele project, a Dutch urban settlement located in the Noordoostpolder, a territory which was entirely reclaimed from the IJsselmeer lake. It was designed by a group of architects from the De 8 and Opbouw teams, the leading protagonists being Rietveld, Van Eesteren, Van Eyck, Bakema, Stam y Ruys. It was designed from 1947 to 1956, a fruitful period in urban planning. These architects questioned the traditionalist urban design applied to the new populations in the IJsselmeer polders. Facing their principles, the work group proposed a new prototype; a compact and concentric urban pattern to foster equality in a new community of farm labourers, which was recognized by the architects as a twentieth century urban society. The government supported their new proposals. The lack of implementation of the innovatory conceptual statements subjected the project into a high-risk challenge. However, in spite of these difficulties, the basic concepts remain though partially transformed, in the actual city. The project drawings reflect the principle concepts that this work aims to discover. Some approaches that have not been sufficiently studied are tackled in this thesis. Firstly, the project´s relationship with the polder. Secondly, the evolution of projective strategies during the period of urban planning, the landscape design and the design of urban elements. The Noordoostpolder is the culmination of a series of multi-disciplinary experiences in large scale land reclamation, whose polycentric urban structure and agricultural subdivision provide the framework of Nagele. Linking the vegetation to infrastructure fostered orientation, climate protection and human scale; strategies which were repeated, though on a smaller scale, in the actual city. The first phase of the project was composed of mono-functional urban areas which responded to each of the four basic human needs indicated by the scientific method of the functional city. The presentation of the project at the seventh CIAM in 1949 was the event which marked the end of the first phase of the planning. This congress was entitled Implementation of the Athens Charter. The residential program was divided into housing clusters surrounding a central prairie, a pattern which was related to its urban and territorial whole. The second phase of the plan was subjected to a new theoretical approach. The urban planning became an In-between Realm, a theoretical scenario where traditionally antagonistic concepts coexist. Van Eyck named these concepts Twin Phenomena. The city thus conceived of as a counterform of the ambivalence of the human mind where spatial indefinition in the previous proposals was transformed into a Bunch of Places with defined boundaries and dimensions, all of which reflecting human scale. The landscape design was integrated into the urban project from its inception. The limits consist of a green wind-barrier which not only provides climate protection but also provides human scale and visual control towards the unlimited plains of the polder. Van Eyck summarised the project as a green room without a roof. This statement elucidates its equivalence to a domestic interior. Outwardly, the city becomes an autonomous unit on the territory. Inwardly a hierarchical vegetation system is linked to architecture and infrastructure. Together, they configure different scales of urban spaces. The proposal was transformed by Boer and Ruys into a unique urban space without assimilating Van Eyck´s concepts. The study of the Nagele landscape project of Nagele and the writings of Van Eyck verify the fact that many of his theoretical foundations (In-between Realm, Twin Phenomena, Bunch of Places, Right Scale) can be applied not only to architecture and city but also to landscape design. The application of these principles led the Nagele project to become a counterform of Van Eyck´s thinking. The design and construction of the first urban elements involved a distribution of tasks to De 8 en Opbouw, which stimulated their relationship with the urban project. The polycentric structure organised the school classrooms outlined by Van Eyck, the different areas of the cemetery planned by Ruys and the housing clusters designed by Stam, Rietveld and Stam-Besse. The Twin Phenomena concept can be applied in Van der Broek´s shopping corridor. The concept space within another space is also implemented in the cemetery surrounded by a new green barrier, and in the church built by Van der Broek and Bakema, whose spaces are configured by a folding wall. The project takes a holistic approach, which considers the design of each element within the strategies of the whole, where they become parts of an infinite composition, as in the art works of De Stijl fostering art and design to ordinary people´s daily lives. The generational and ideological diversity of these architects turned the project into a game board on which different ways of planning the city were played, obtaining Nagele the distinction of being a turning point of Modernism.

La Ordenación del Territorio en las Ciudades Globales Europeas: El caso de Madrid

En la Comunidad de Madrid el modelo de ocupación del territorio en las dos últimas décadas ha obedecido a factores de oferta del mercado y no a las necesidades de la población, ello provoca un consumo de suelo y de recursos que conducen a una sobrexplotación insostenible. Las metrópolis globales están experimentando rápidas e intensas transformaciones, basadas en los paradigmas emergentes de la globalización, la gobernanza, la metropolizacion y la dispersión de las actividades en el territorio y a través de ellos se abordan los planes de Londres, París y las tentativas de Madrid. La globalización provoca la pérdida de soberanía de las administraciones publicas y la competitividad entre las ciudades globales en Europa, Londres, Paris y Madrid, son centros de poder, de concentración y crecimiento donde se produce la dualización del espacio y donde la desigualdad participa de la restructuración urbana, concentración de pobreza frente a espacios de la nueva clase emergente en donde dominan los sectores de servicios y las tecnologías de la información. Frente al desarrollo urbano neoliberal de regulación a través del mercado y basada en criterios de eficiencia de la Nueva Gestión Pública, se vislumbra la posibilidad de que la sociedad se administre a si misma por medio de acciones voluntarias y responsables que promuevan los intereses colectivos mediante el reconocimiento de su propia identidad, introduciendo el concepto de gobernanza. Frente, a la explotación del territorio por parte de la sociedad extractiva que genera corrupcion, se propone un modelo de cooperación público-privada basado en la confianza mutua, un marco regulador estable, la transparencia y la información a cuyo flujo más homogéneo contribuirán sin duda las TICs. En todo este proceso, las regiones metropolitanas en Europa se erigen como motores del crecimiento, donde los límites administrativos son superados, en un territorio cada vez más extendido y donde los gobiernos locales tienen que organizarse mediante un proceso de cooperación en la provisión de servicios que ayuden a evitar los desequilibrios territoriales. El fenómeno de la dispersión urbana en desarrollos de baja densidad, los centros comerciales periféricos, la expulsión hacia la periferia de las actividades de menor valor añadido y la concentración de funciones directivas en el centro, conducen a una fragmentación del territorio en islas dependientes del automóvil y a procesos de exclusión social por la huida de las rentas altas y la expulsión de las rentas bajas de los centros urbanos. Se crean fragmentos monofuncionales y discontinuos, apoyados en las autovías, lugares carentes de identidad y generadores de despilfarro de recursos y una falta de sostenibilidad ambiental, económica y social. El estudio de la cultura de la planificación en Europa ayuda a comprender los diferentes enfoques en la ordenación del territorio y el proceso de convergencia entre las diferentes regiones. Los documentos de la UE se basan en la necesidad de la competitividad para el crecimiento europeo y la cohesión social y en relación al territorio en los desarrollos policéntricos, la resolución del dualismo campo-ciudad, el acceso equilibrado a las infraestructuras, la gestión prudente de la naturaleza, el patrimonio y el fomento de la identidad. Se proponen dos niveles de estudio uno actual, los últimos planes de Londres y Paris y el otro la evolución de las tentativas de planes en la Región madrileña siempre en relación a los paradigmas emergentes señalados y su reflejo en los documentos. El Plan de Londres es estratégico, con una visión a largo plazo, donde se confiere un gran interés al proceso, al papel del alcalde como líder y su adaptación a las circunstancias cambiantes, sujeto a las incertidumbres de una ciudad global. El desarrollo del mismo se concibe a través de la colaboración y cooperación entre las administraciones y actores. La estructura del documento es flexible, establece orientaciones y guías indicativas, para la redacción de los planes locales, no siendo las mismas vinculantes y con escasa representación grafica. El Plan de París es más un plan físico, similar al de otros centros europeos, trabaja sobre los sectores y sobre los territorios, con información extensa, con características de “Plan Latino” por la fuerza de la expresión gráfica, pero al mismo tiempo contiene una visión estratégica. Es vinculante en sus determinaciones y normativas, se plantea fomentar, pero también prohibir. Ambos planes tratan la competitividad internacional de sus centros urbanos, la igualdad social, la inclusión de todos los grupos sociales y la vivienda como una cuestión de dignidad humana. Londres plantea la gobernanza como cooperación entre sector público-privado y la necesaria cooperación con las regiones limítrofes, en París las relaciones están más institucionalizadas resaltando la colaboración vertical entre administraciones. Ambos plantean la densificación de nodos servidos por transporte público, modos blandos y el uso los TODs y la preservación de la infraestructura verde jerarquizada, la potenciación de la red azul y la mejora del paisaje de las periferias. En las “tentativas” de planes territoriales de Madrid se constata que estuvieron sujetas a los ciclos económicos. El primer Documento las DOT del año 1984, no planteaba crecimiento, ni económico ni demográfico, a medio plazo y por ello no proponía una modificación del modelo radio concéntrico. Se trataba de un Plan rígido volcado en la recuperación del medio rural, de la ciudad, el dimensionamiento de los crecimientos en función de las dotaciones e infraestructuras existentes. Aboga por la intervención de la administración pública y la promoción del pequeño comercio. Destaca el desequilibrio social en función de la renta, la marginación de determinados grupos sociales, el desequilibrio residencia/empleo y la excesiva densidad. Incide en la necesidad de viviendas para los más desfavorecidos mediante el alquiler, la promoción suelo público y la promoción del ferrocarril para dar accesibilidad al espacio central. Aboga por el equipamiento de proximidad y de pequeño tamaño, el tratamiento paisajístico de los límites urbanos de los núcleos y el control de las actividades ilegales señalando orientaciones para el planeamiento urbano. Las Estrategias (1989) contienen una visión: la modificación del modelo territorial, mediante la intervención pública a través de proyectos. Plantea la reestructuración económica del territorio, la reconversión del aparato productivo, la deslocalización de actividades de escaso valor añadido y una mayor ubicuidad de la actividad económica. Incide en la difusión de la centralidad hacia el territorio del sur, equilibrándolo con el norte, tratando de recomponer empleo y residencia, integrando al desarrollo económico las periferias entre sí y con el centro. Las actuaciones de transporte consolidarían las actuaciones, modificando el modelo radio concéntrico facilitando la movilidad mediante la red de cercanías y la intermodalidad. El plan se basaba en el liderazgo del Consejero, no integrando sectores como el medio ambiente, ni estableciendo un documento de seguimiento de las actuaciones que evaluara los efectos de las políticas y su aportación al equilibrio territorial, a través de los proyectos realizados. El Documento Preparatorio de las Bases (1995), es más de un compendio o plan de planes, recoge análisis y propuestas de los documentos anteriores y de planes sectoriales de otros departamentos. Presenta una doble estructura: un plan físico integrador clásico, que abarca los sectores y territorios, y recoge las Estrategias previas añadiendo puntos fuertes, como el malestar urbano y la rehabilitación el centro. Plantea la consecución del equilibrio ambiental mediante el crecimiento de las ciudades existentes, la vertebración territorial basada en la movilidad y en la potenciación de nuevas centralidades, la mejora de la habitabilidad y rehabilitación integral del Centro Urbano de Madrid, y la modernización del tejido productivo existente. No existe una idea-fuerza que aglutine todo el documento, parte del reconocimiento de un modelo existente concentrado y congestivo, un centro urbano dual y dos periferias al este y sur con un declive urbano y obsolescencia productiva y al oeste y norte con una dispersión que amenaza al equilibrio medioambiental. Señala como aspectos relevantes, la creciente polarización y segregación social, la deslocalización industrial, la aparición de las actividades de servicios a las empresas instaladas en las áreas metropolitanas, y la dispersión de las actividades económicas en el territorio por la banalización del uso del automóvil. Se plantea el reto de hacer ciudad de la extensión suburbana y su conexión con el sistema metropolitano, mediante una red de ciudades integrada y complementaria, en búsqueda de un mayor equilibrio y solidaridad territorial. Las Bases del PRET (1997) tenían como propósito iniciar el proceso de concertación en que debe basarse la elaboración del Plan. Parte de la ciudad mediterránea compacta, y diversa, y de la necesidad de que las actividades económicas, los servicios y la residencia estén en proximidad, resolviéndolo mediante una potente red de transporte público que permitiese una accesibilidad integrada al territorio. El flujo de residencia hacia la periferia, con un modelo ajeno de vivienda unifamiliar y la concentración del empleo en el centro producen desequilibrio territorial. Madrid manifiesta siempre apostó por la densificación del espacio central urbanizado, produciendo su congestión, frente al desarrollo de nuevos suelos que permitieran su expansión territorial. Precisa que es necesario preservar los valores de centralidad de Madrid, como generador de riqueza, canalizando toda aquella demanda de centralidad, hacia espacios más periféricos. El problema de la vivienda no lo ve solo como social, sino como económico, debido a la pérdida de empleos que supone su paralización. Observa ya los crecimientos residenciales en el borde de la region por el menor valor del suelo. Plantea como la política de oferta ha dado lugar a un modelo de crecimiento fragmentado, desequilibrado, desestructurado, con fuertes déficits dotacionales y de equipamiento, que inciden en la segregación espacial de las rentas, agravando el proceso de falta de identidad morfológica y de desarraigo de los valores urbanos. El plan señalaba que la presión sobre el territorio creaba su densificación por las limitaciones de espacio, Incidía en limitar el peso de la intervención pública, no planteando propuestas de cooperación público-privado. La mayor incoherencia estriba en que los objetivos eran innovadores y coinciden en su mayoría con las propuestas estudiadas de Londres o Paris, pero se intentan implementar a través de un cambio hacia un modelo reticulado homogéneo, expansivo sobre el territorio, que supone un consumo de suelo y de infraestructuras para solucionar un problema inexistente, la gestión de la densidad. Durante las dos últimas décadas en ausencia de un plan regional, la postura neoliberal fue la de un exclusivo control de legalidad del planeamiento, los municipios entraron en un proceso de competencia para aprovechar las iniciales ventajas económicas de los crecimientos detectados, que proporcionaban una base económica “sólida” a unos municipios con escasos recursos en sus presupuestos municipales. La legislación se modifica a requerimiento de grupos interesados, no existiendo un marco estable. Se pierde la figura del plan no solo a nivel regional, si no en los sectores y el planeamiento municipal donde los municipios tiende a basarse en modificaciones puntuales con la subsiguiente pérdida del modelo urbanístico. La protección ambiental se estructura mediante un extenso nivel de figuras, con diversidad de competencias que impide su efectiva protección y control. Este proceso produce un despilfarro en la ocupación del suelo, apoyada en las infraestructuras viarias, y un crecimiento disperso y de baja densidad, cada vez más periférico, produciéndose una segmentación social por dualización del espacio en función de niveles de renta. Al amparo del boom inmobiliario, se produce una falta de política social de vivienda pública, más basada en la dinamización del mercado con producción de viviendas para rentas medias que en políticas de alquiler para determinados grupos concentrándose estas en los barrios desfavorecidos y en la periferia sur. Se produce un incremento de la vivienda unifamiliar, muchas veces amparada en políticas públicas, la misma se localiza en el oeste principalmente, en espacios de valor como el entorno del Guadarrama o con viviendas más baratas por la popularización de la tipología en la frontera de la Región. El territorio se especializa a modo de islas monofuncionales, las actividades financieras y de servicios avanzados a las empresas se localizan en el norte y oeste próximo, se pierde actividad industrial que se dispersa más al sur, muchas veces fuera de la región. Se incrementan los grandes centros comerciales colgados de las autovías y sin población en su entorno. Todo este proceso ha provocado una pérdida de utilización del transporte público y un aumento significativo del uso del vehículo privado. En la dos últimas décadas se ha producido en la región de Madrid desequilibrio territorial y segmentación social, falta de implicación de la sociedad en el territorio, dispersión del crecimiento y un incremento de los costes ambientales, sociales y económicos, situación, que solo, a través del uso racional del territorio se puede reconducir, apoyado en una planificación integrada sensible y participativa. ABSTRACT In Madrid the model of land occupation in the past two decades has been driven by market supply factors rather than the needs of the population. This results in a consumption of land and resources that leads to unsustainable overexploitation. Addressing this issue must be done through sensitive and participatory integrated planning. Global cities are experiencing rapid and intense change based on the emerging paradigms of globalization, governance, metropolization and the dispersion of activities in the territory. Through this context, a closer look will be taken at the London and Paris plans as well as the tentative plans of Madrid. Globalization causes the loss of state sovereignty and the competitiveness among global cities in Europe; London, Paris and Madrid. These are centres of power, concentration and growth where the duality of space is produced, and where inequality plays a part in urban restructuration. There are concentrated areas of poverty versus areas with a new emerging class where the services sector and information technologies are dominant. The introduction of ICTs contributes to a more homogeneous flow of information leading, us to the concept of governance. Against neoliberal urban development based on free market regulations and efficiency criteria as established by the “New Public Management”, emerge new ways where society administers itself through voluntary and responsible actions to promote collective interests by recognizing their own identity. A new model of public-private partnerships surfaces that is based on mutual trust, transparency, information and a stable regulatory framework in light of territorial exploitation by the “extractive society” that generates corruption. Throughout this process, European metropolitan regions become motors of growth where administrative boundaries are overcome in an ever expanding territory where government is organized through cooperative processes to provide services that protect against regional imbalances. Urban sprawl or low-density development as seen in peripheral shopping centres, the off-shoring of low added-value activities to the periphery, and the concentration of business and top management functions in the centre, leads to a fragmentation of the territory in automobile dependent islands and a process of social exclusion brought on by the disappearance of high incomes. Another effect is the elimination of low income populations from urban centres. In consequence, discontinuous expansions and mono-functional places that lack identity materialize supported by a highway network and high resource consumption. Studying the culture of urban planning in Europe provides better insight into different approaches to spatial planning and the process of convergence between different regions. EU documents are based on the need of competitiveness for European growth and social cohesion. In relation to polycentric development territory they are based on a necessity to solve the dualism between field and city, balanced access to infrastructures, prudent management of nature and solidifying heritage and identity Two levels of study unfold, the first being the current plans of London and Île-de-France and the second being the evolution of tentative plans for the Madrid region as related to emerging paradigms and how this is reflected in documents. The London Plan is strategic with a long-term vision that focuses on operation, the role of the mayor as a pivotal leader, and the adaptability to changing circumstances brought on by the uncertainties of a global city. Its development is conceived through collaboration and cooperation between governments and stakeholders. The document structure is flexible, providing guidance and indicative guidelines on how to draft local plans so they are not binding, and it contains scarce graphic representation. The Plan of Paris takes on a more physical form and is similar to plans of other European centres. It emphasizes sectors and territories, using extensive information, and is more characteristic of a “Latin Plan” as seen in its detailed graphic expression. However, it also contains a strategic vision. Binding in its determinations and policy, it proposes advancement but also prohibition. Both plans address the international competitiveness of urban centres, social equality, inclusion of all social groups and housing as issues of human dignity. London raises governance and cooperation between public and private sector and the need for cooperation with neighbouring regions. In Paris, the relations are more institutionalized highlighting vertical collaboration between administrations. Both propose nodes of densification served by public transportation, soft modes and the use of TOD, the preservation of a hierarchical green infrastructure, and enhancing the landscape in urban peripheries. The tentative territorial plans for the Madrid region provide evidence that they were subject to economic cycles. The first document of master guidelines (1984) does not address either economic or demographic growth in the mid term and therefore does not propose the modification of the radio-concentric model. It is a rigid plan focused on rural and urban recovery and the dimensioning of growth that depends on endowments and infrastructures. It advocates government intervention and promotes small business. The plan emphasizes social imbalance in terms of income, marginalization of certain social groups, the imbalance of residence/employment and excessive density. It stresses the need for social rent housing for the underprivileged, promotes public land, and the supports rail accessibility to the central area. It backs facilities of proximity and small size, enhancing the landscaping of city borders, controlling illegal activities and draws out guidelines for urban planning. The strategies (1989) contain a vision: Changing the territorial model through public intervention by means of projects. They bring to light economic restructuring of territory, the reconversion of the productive apparatus, relocation of low value-added activities, and greater ubiquity of economic activity. They also propose the diffusion of centrality towards southern territories, balancing it with the north in an attempt to reset employment and residence that integrates peripheral economic development both in the periphery and the centre. Transport would consolidate the project, changing the radius-concentric model and facilitating mobility through a commuter and inter-modality network. The plan derives itself from the leadership of the minister and does not integrate sectors such as environment. It also does not incorporate the existence of a written document that monitors performance to evaluate the effects of policies and their contribution to the territorial balance. The Preparatory Document of the Bases, (1995) is more a compendium, or plan of plans, that compiles analysis and proposals from previous documents and sectorial plans from other departments. It has a dual structure: An integrating physical plan covering the sectors and territories that includes the previous strategies while adding some strengths. One such point is the urban discomfort and the rehabilitation of the centre. It also poses the achievement of environmental balance through the growth of existing cities, the territorial linking based on mobility, strengthening new centres, improving the liveability and comprehensive rehabilitation of downtown Madrid, and the modernization of the existing production network. There is no one powerful idea that binds this document. This is due to the recognition of an existing concentrate and congestive model, a dual urban centre, two eastern and southern suburbs suffering from urban decay, and an obsolescent productive north and west whose dispersion threatens the environmental balance. Relevant aspects the document highlights are increasing polarization and social segregation, industrial relocation, the emergence of service activities to centralized companies in metropolitan areas and the dispersion of economic activities in the territory by the trivialization of car use. It proposes making the city from the suburban sprawl and its connection to the metropolitan system through a network of integrated and complementary cities in search of a better balance and territorial solidarity. The Bases of PRET (1997) aims to start the consultation process that must underpin the development of the plan. It stems from a compact and diverse Mediterranean city along with the need for economic activities, services and residences that are close. To resolve the issue, it presents a powerful network of public transport that allows integrated accessibility to the territory. The flow of residence to the periphery based on a foreign model of detached housing and an employment concentration in the centre produces territorial imbalance. Madrid always opted for the densification of the central space, producing its congestion, against the development of new land that would allow its territorial expansion. The document states that the necessity to preserve the values of the housing problem is not only viewed as social, but also economic due to the loss of jobs resulting from their paralysis. It notes the residential growth in the regional border due to the low price of land and argues that the policy of supply has led to a fragmented model of growth that is unbalanced, unstructured, with strong infrastructure and facility deficits that affect the spatial segregation of income and aggravate the lack of morphological identity, uprooting urban values. The pressure on the territory caused its densification due to space limitation; the proposed grid model causes land consumption and infrastructure to solve a non-problem, density. Focusing on limiting the weight of public intervention, it does not raise proposals for public-private cooperation. The biggest discrepancy is that the targets were innovative and mostly align with the proposals in London and Paris. However, it proposes to be implemented through a shift towards a uniform gridded model that is expansive over territory. During the last two decades, due to the absence of a regional plan, a neoliberal stance held exclusive control of the legality of urban planning. The municipalities entered a competition process to take advantage of initial economic benefits of such growth. This provided a “solid” economic base for some municipalities with limited resources in their municipal budgets. The law was amended without a legal stable framework at the request of stakeholders. The character of the plan is lost not only regionally, but also in the sectors and municipal planning. This tends to be based on specific changes with the loss of an urban model. Environmental protection is organized through an extensive number of protection figures with diverse competencies that prevent its effective protection. This process squanders the use of the land, backed by increasing road infrastructure, dispersed occupations with low-density growth causing a social segmentation due to space duality based on income levels. During the housing boom, there is a reduction in social public housing policy mostly due to a boost in the market of housing production for average incomes than in rental policies for needy social groups that focus on disadvantaged neighbourhoods and southern suburbs. As a result, there is an increase in single-family housing, often protected by public policy. This is located primarily in the west in areas of high environmental value such as Guadarrama. There is also cheaper housing due to the popularization of typology in the border region. There, territory works as a mono-functional islands. Financial activities and advanced services for companies are located to the north and west where industrial activity is lost as it migrates south, often outside the region. The number of large shopping centres hanging off the highway infrastructure with little to no surrounding population increases. This process leads to the loss of dependency on public transport and a significant increase in the use of private vehicles. The absence of regional planning has produced more imbalance, more social segmentation, more dispersed growth and a lot of environmental, social and economic costs that can only be redirected through rational territorial.