La partecipazione femminile al giornalismo politico-letterario. Italia e Francia tra Otto e Novecento.

By examining seven major reviews (the French “Revue des deux Mondes”, the “Revue de Paris” and the “Nouvelle Revue”; the Italian “Nuova Antologia”, the “Rassegna Nazionale”, the “Rivista europea” and the “Revue internationale”) this thesis investigate the female participation in high quality journalism in Italy and France between the 1870s and the First World War. The aim is to show that despite some obvious limitations, women found room in that apparently very ‘male’ space of culture and emerged on a considerable scale in all walks of the profession. Many women regularly published on high quality reviews. Some of them even rose to high positions on editorials board. With the exception of a few fields of knowledge – albeit fundamental to the journals’ overall structure – such as economics, finance and matters to do with the army and the colonies, women contributors covedered nearly all the range of subjects contained in this periodicals: not only fiction, but also literary criticism, travelogues, politics and others. Quality and cultural journals offered women writers a considerable space for entering the public sphere, as both authors and readers. It may thus construed on a dual plane: as an opportunity for women writers to join the new professional ranks of modern publishing, but also as an important terrain for acknowledgment of their standing as intellectuals.

Dalla Francia all'Italia: impegno politico, inchiesta e transfers culturali alle origini della sociologia del lavoro in Italia

Sociology of work in Italy revived at the end of WWII, after thirty years of forced oblivion. This thesis examines the history of discipline by considering three paths that it followed from its revival up to its institutionalization: the influence of the productivity drive, the role of trade unions and the activity of early young researchers. European Productivity Agency's Italian office Comitato Nazionale per la Produttività propagandised studies on management and on the effects of the industrialization on work and society. Academicians, technicians, psychologists who worked for CNP started rethinking sociology of work, but the managerial use of sociology was unacceptable for both trade unions and young researchers. So “free union” CISL created a School in Florence with an eager attention to social sciences as a medium to become a new model union, while Marxist CGIL, despite its ideological aversion to sociology, finally accepted the social sciences lexicon in order to explain the work changes and to resist against the employers' association offensive. On the other hand, political and social engagement led a first generation of sociologists to study social phenomenon in the recently industrialized Italy by using the sociological analysis. Finally, the thesis investigate the cultural transfers from France, whose industrial sociology (sociologie du travail) was considered as a reference in continental Europe. Nearby the wide importance of French sociologie, financially aided by planning institutions in order to employ it in the industrial reconstruction, other minor experiences such as the social surveys accomplished by worker-priests in the suburbs of industrial cities and the heterodox Marxism of the review “Socialisme ou Barbarie” influenced Italian sociology of work.

La Nuova Destra dalla Francia all'Italia 1974-2000

Il progetto di ricerca, dal titolo La Nuova destra dalla Francia all'Italia, prende come oggetto di studio specifico quel fenomeno politico, emerso in Italia verso la metà degli anni Settanta, che si originò in seno agli ambienti politici della destra radicale, noto con la definizione di Nuova Destra (ND), sul modello dell’omologa e più matura corrente francese il cui nucleo principale ruotava attorno all’associazione culturale GRECE (Groupement de recherche et d’études sur la civilisation européenne). Dal livello avanzato della ricerca sviluppata in questi anni, si è potuto notare che questo soggetto culturale ed ideologico è stato scarsamente studiato nel panorama scientifico italiano dove la maggior parte delle indagini ad esso dedicate sono state svolte da politologi, o comunque risultano riconducibili agli ambienti accademici delle Facoltà di Scienze Politiche, mentre pochissimi sono i lavori che si sono accostati alla ND con le armi specifiche della ricerca storica. Al contrario in Francia il fenomeno è stato oggetto di numerose ricerche da parte di autorevoli studiosi e ha dato avvio ad un florido dibattito ideologico. L’obiettivo principale a cui questa ricerca di dottorato tenta di rispondere è, quindi, quello di ricostruire le vicende storiche della ND italiana, sia attraverso i suoi rapporti con il Movimento sociale italiano (MSI), dalle cui sezioni giovanili essa nacque e si sviluppò per poi distaccarsene, sia tramite l’analisi delle sue evoluzioni politiche e concettuali, sia, infine, cercando di porre in evidenza i lasciti, le influenze e gli stretti legami, che intercorsero fra l’Italia e la più matura esperienza della Nouvelle Droite francese, ed in particolare con il pensiero politico e filosofico di Alain de Benoist, il suo maggiore esponente.

1963-1968. Dall'avvento dell'amministrazione di Lyndon B. Johnson al Trattato di Non-Proliferazione. gli Stati Uniti, la Francia, la NATO e l'Europa agli esordi della distensione. Storia di una "non-crisi" transatlantica e della riorganizzazione dell'Alleanza.

The aim of this proposal is to explain the paradigm of the American foreign policy during the Johnson Administration, especially toward Europe, within the NATO framework, and toward URSS, in the context of the détente, just emerged during the decade of the sixties. During that period, after the passing of the J. F. Kennedy, President L. B. Johnson inherited a complex and very high-powered world politics, which wanted to get a new phase off the ground in the transatlantic relations and share the burden of the Cold war with a refractory Europe. Known as the grand design, it was a policy that needed the support of the allies and a clear purpose which appealed to the Europeans. At first, President Johnson detected in the problem of the nuclear sharing the good deal to make with the NATO allies. At the same time, he understood that the United States needed to reassert their leadeship within the new stage of relations with the Soviet Union. Soon, the “transatlantic bargain” became something not so easy to dealt with. The Federal Germany wanted to say a word in the nuclear affairs and, why not, put the finger on the trigger of the atlantic nuclear weapons. URSS, on the other hand, wanted to keep Germany down. The other allies did not want to share the onus of the defense of Europe, at most the responsability for the use of the weapons and, at least, to participate in the decision-making process. France, which wanted to detach herself from the policy of the United States and regained a world role, added difficulties to the manage of this course of action. Through the years of the Johnson’s office, the divergences of the policies placed by his advisers to gain the goal put the American foreign policy in deep water. The withdrawal of France from the organization but not from the Alliance, give Washington a chance to carry out his goal. The development of a clear-cut disarm policy leaded the Johnson’s administration to the core of the matter. The Non-proliferation Treaty signed in 1968, solved in a business-like fashion the problem with the allies. The question of nuclear sharing faded away with the acceptance of more deep consultative role in the nuclear affairs by the allies, the burden for the defense of Europe became more bearable through the offset agreement with the FRG and a new doctrine, the flexible response, put an end, at least formally, to the taboo of the nuclear age. The Johnson’s grand design proved to be different from the Kennedy’s one, but all things considered, it was more workable. The unpredictable result was a real détente with the Soviet Union, which, we can say, was a merit of President Johnson.

Italia e Francia nell'Ungheria di Trianon (1919-1939): due modelli di penetrazione politico-culturale

Italy and France in Trianon’s Hungary: two political and cultural penetration models During the first post-war, the Danubian Europe was the theatre of an Italian-French diplomatic challenge to gain hegemony in that part of the continent. Because of his geographical position, Hungary had a decisive strategic importance for the ambitions of French and Italian foreign politics. Since in the 1920s culture and propaganda became the fourth dimension of international relations, Rome and Paris developed their diplomatic action in Hungary to affirm not only political and economic influence, but also cultural supremacy. In the 1930, after Hitler’s rise to power, the unstoppable comeback of German political influence in central-eastern Europe determined the progressive decline of Italian and French political and economic positions in Hungary: only the cultural field allowed a survey of Italian-Hungarian and French-Hungarian relations in the contest of a Europe dominated by Nazi Germany during the Second World War. Nevertheless, the radical geopolitical changes in second post-war Europe did not compromise Italian and French cultural presence in the new communist Hungary. Although cultural diplomacy is originally motivated by contingent political targets, it doesn’t respect the short time of politics, but it’s the only foreign politics tool that guarantees preservations of bilateral relations in the long run.