973 resultados para Drowning victims


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This paper outlines some of the experiences of Indigenous women academics in higher education. The author offers these experiences, not to position Indigenous women academics as victims, but to expose the problematic nature of racism, systemic marginalisation, white race privilege and radicalised subjectivity played out within Australian higher education institutions. By utilising the experiences and examples she seeks to bring the theoretical into the everyday world of being Indigenous within academe. In analysing these examples, the author reveals the relationships between oppression, white race privilege, institutional privilege and the epistemology that maintains them. She argues that, in moving from a position of being silent to speaking about what she has witnessed and experienced, she is able to move from the position of object to subject and gain a form of liberated voice (hooks 1989: 9) for herself and other Indigenous women. She seeks to challenge the practices within universities that continue to subjugate Indigenous women academics.

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International research has found that domestic violence is a significant barrier to accessing and sustaining work (Lloyd and Taluc 1999, 385; Browne et al. 1999, 398). In the Australian context, the Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research reports that between 6 and 9 per cent of Australian women aged 18 and over are physically assaulted each year and that more than half of all women in Australia experience sexual or physical violence across their adult lifetime. Such behaviour has been estimated to cost $8.1 billion, of which $4.4 billion is estimated to be borne by the victims themselves, $1.2 billion by the general community and smaller amounts by friends and family and various levels of government (Access Economics 2004). This assessment underestimates the costs of domestic violence in terms of the inability of those who have experienced domestic violence to move into and secure sustainable employment options. Despite these statistics there is a dearth of Australian research focussing on the link between domestic violence and its impact on long-term sustainable employment for those who have been subjected to such violence. This paper explores the issue of domestic violence and access to work opportunities. In so doing, it links the work of Gianakos (1999) and her Career Development theory with that of Bandura‘s (1989) Social Cognitive Career Theory to develop a framework which would provide a pathway to enable those who have suffered domestic violence to achieve sustainable employment and economic independence.

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The Australian report for the Global Media Monitoring Project 2010 (GMMP 2010) involved a study of 374 stories that were sampled from 26 Australian newspapers, radio and television stations, and internet news services on 10 November 2009. This snapshot of reporting on that day suggests that women are under-represented in the Australian news media as both the sources and creators of news. Females made up only 24% of the 1012 news sources who were heard, read about or seen in the stories that were studied. Neglect of female sources was particularly noticeable in sports news. Women made up only 1% of the 142 sources who were talked about or quoted in sports stories. Female sources of news were disproportionately portrayed as celebrities and victims. Although women made up only 24% of sources overall, they comprised 44% of victims of crimes, accidents, war, health problems, or discrimination. Unsurprisingly, women made up 32% of sources in stories about violent crimes and 29% in stories about disasters, accidents or emergencies – usually in the role of victim. Females were commonly defined in terms of their status as a mother, daughter, wife, sister or other family relationship. Family status was mentioned for 33% of women quoted or discussed in the news stories compared to only 13% of male sources. Women also made up 75% of sources described as homemakers or parents. The Australian GMMP 2010 study also indicates a gender division among the journalists who wrote or presented the news. Only 32% of the stories were written or presented by female reporters and newsreaders. The gender inequality was again most evident in sports journalism. Findings from the Australian report also contributed to the GMMP 2010 Global Report and the Pacific GMMP 2010 Regional Report, which are available at http://whomakesthenews.org/gmmp/gmmp-reports/gmmp-2010-reports

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In May 2008, xenophobic violence erupted in South Africa. The targets were individuals who had migrated from the north in search of asylum. Emerging first in township communities around Johannesburg, the aggression spread to other provinces. Sixty-two people died, and 100,000 (20,000 in the Western Cape alone) were displaced. As the attacks escalated across the country, thousands of migrants searched for refuge in police stations and churches. Chilling stories spread about mobs armed with axes, metal bars, and clubs. The mobs stormed from shack to shack, assaulted migrants, locked them in their homes, and set the homes on fire. The public reaction was one of shock and horror. The Los Angeles Times declared, “Migrants Burned Alive in S. Africa.” The South African president at the time, Thabo Mbeki, called for an end to “shameful and criminal attacks.” Commentators were stunned by the signs of hatred of foreigners (xenophobia) that emerged in the young South African democracy. The tragedy of the violence in South Africa was magnified by the fact that many of the victims had fled from violence and persecution in their countries of origin. Amid genocidal violations of human rights that had recently occurred in some countries in sub- Saharan Africa, the new South Africa stood as a beacon of democracy and respect for human dignity. With this openness in mind, many immigrants to South Africa sought safety and refuge from the conflicts in their homelands. More than 43,500 refugees and 227,000 asylum seekers now live in South Africa. The majority of people accorded refugee status came from Burundi, Democratic Republic of Congo, and Somalia. South Africa also hosts thousands of other migrants who remain undocumented.

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This paper presents findings from the rural and remote road safety study, conducted in Queensland, Australia, from March 2004 till June 2007, and compares fatal crashes and non-fatal but serious crashes in respect of their environmental, vehicle and operator factors. During the study period there were 613 non-fatal crashes resulting in 684 hospitalised casualties and 119 fatal crashes resulting in 130 fatalities. Additional information from police sources was available on 103 fatal and 309 non-fatal serious crashes. Over three quarters of both fatal and hospitalised casualties were male and the median age in both groups was 34 years. Fatal crashes were more likely to involve speed, alcohol and violations of road rules and fatal crash victims were 2 and a 1/2 times more likely to be unrestrained inside the vehicle than non-fatal casualties, consistent with current international evidence. After controlling for human factors, vehicle and road conditions made a minimal contribution to the seriousness of the crash outcome. Targeted interventions to prevent fatalities on rural and remote roads should focus on reducing speed and drink driving and promoting seatbelt wearing.

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Hypertrophic scars are formed by collagen overproduction in wounded areas and often occur in victims of severe burns. There are several methods for hypertrophic scar remediation and silicone gel therapy is one of the more successful methods. Research by others has shown that the activity of these gels may be due to migration of amphiphilic silicone oligomers from the gel and into the dermis, down-regulating production of collagen by fibroblasts. Normal silicone oil (PDMS) does not produce the same effect on fibroblasts. The main purpose of this project is the introduction of a particular amphiphilic silicone rake copolymer into an appropriate network which can absorb and release the silicone copolymer on the scarred area. Hydrogels are polymeric crosslinked networks which can swell in water or a drug solution, and gradually release the drug when applied to the skin. The application of gel enhances the effectiveness of the therapy, reduces the period of treatment and can be comfortable for patients to use. Polyethylene glycol (PEG) based networks have been applied in this research, because the amphiphilic silicone rake copolymer to be used as a therapy has polyethylene oxide (PEO) as a side chain. These PEO side chains have very similar chemical structure to a PEG gel chain so enhancing both the compatibility and the diffusion of the amphiphilic silicone rake copolymer into and out of the gel. Synthesis of PEG-based networks has been performed by two methods: in situ silsesquioxane formation as crosslink with a sol-gel reaction under different conditions and UV curing. PEG networks have low mechanical properties which is a fundamental limitation of the polymer backbone. For mechanical properties enhancement, composite networks were synthesized using nano-silica with different surface modification. The chemical structure of in situ silsesquioxane in the dry network has been examined by Solid State NMR, Differential Scanning Calorimetry (DSC) and swelling measurements in water. Mechanical properties of dry networks were tested by Dynamic Mechanical Thermal Analysis (DMTA) to determine modulus and interfacial interaction between silica and the network. In this way a family of self-reinforced networks has been produced that have been shown to absorb and deliver the active amphiphilic silicone- PEO rake copolymer.

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The Reporting and Reception of Indigenous Issues in the Australian Media was a three year project financed by the Australian government through its Australian Research Council Large Grants Scheme and run by Professor John Hartley (of Murdoch and then Edith Cowan University, Western Australia). The purpose of the research was to map the ways in which indigeneity was constructed and circulated in Australia's mediasphere. The analysis of the 'reporting' element of the project was almost straightforward: a mixture of content analysis of a large number of items in the media, and detailed textual analysis of a smaller number of key texts. The discoveries were interesting - that when analysis approaches the media as a whole, rather than focussing exclusively on news or serious drama genres, then representation of indigeneity is not nearly as homogenous as has previously been assumed. And if researchers do not explicitly set out to uncover racism in every text, it is by no means guaranteed they will find it1. The question of how to approach the 'reception' of these issues - and particularly reception by indigenous Australians - proved to be a far more challenging one. In attempting to research this area, Hartley and I (working as a research assistant on the project) often found ourselves hampered by the axioms that underlie much media research. Traditionally, the 'reception' of media by indigenous people in Australia has been researched in ethnographic ways. This research repeatedly discovers that indigenous people in Australia are powerless in the face of new forms of media. Indigenous populations are represented as victims of aggressive and powerful intrusions: ‘What happens when a remote community is suddenly inundated by broadcast TV?’; ‘Overnight they will go from having no radio and television to being bombarded by three TV channels’; ‘The influence of film in an isolated, traditionally oriented Aboriginal community’2. This language of ‘influence’, ‘bombarded’, and ‘inundated’, presents metaphors not just of war but of a war being lost. It tells of an unequal struggle, of a more powerful force impinging upon a weaker one. What else could be the relationship of an Aboriginal audience to something which is ‘bombarding’ them? Or by which they are ‘inundated’? This attitude might best be summed up by the title of an article by Elihu Katz: ‘Can authentic cultures survive new media?’3. In such writing, there is little sense that what is being addressed might be seen as a series of discursive encounters, negotiations and acts of meaning-making in which indigenous people — communities and audiences —might be productive. Certainly, the points of concern in this type of writing are important. The question of what happens when a new communication medium is summarily introduced to a culture is certainly an important one. But the language used to describe this interaction is a misleading one. And it is noticeable that such writing is fascinated with the relationship of only traditionally-oriented Aboriginal communities to the media of mass communication.

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Restorative justice is firmly established in Australian juvenile justice. While the official language used to describe restorative initiatives varies across states and territories, the most common form is a meeting or conference between young offenders and their victims (most commonly known as a family group or youth justice conference). During the past decade, an impressive amount of empirical research has examined how the restorative justice process affects offenders, victims and other participants (such as supporters for young offenders and victims). Results from this line of research are remarkably consistent and show that participants generally regard restorative conferences as procedurally fair and that they are satisfied with the outcomes (eg what young offenders agree to do to make up for their offending behaviour, such as offer a sincere apology or perform work for the victim or the community). What is less common, however, is the perception among participants that restorative conferences achieve the key aim of restoration.By ‘restoration’ we refer to encounters where ‘offenders apologise, their apologies are accepted, victims offer forgiveness,and conferences conclude with a feeling of mutual good will’.

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In 1961, the East German government erected what they claimed was an anti-capitalist barricade. In 1989, this barricade was dismantled by those whom it was supposed to keep apart: the forces it was intended to contain had overwhelmed it. In the aftermath, the victims of Stalinist oppression and the planned economy opted for radical change. Some might have hoped that they would intellectually march resolutely westwards towards the forms of social democracy that had proven so successful in their nearest neighbours – Scandinavia, Germany and Austria – and stop when they had reached a point on the political spectrum with which they felt comfortable, and which worked for them. Unfortunately, they went to the opposite end of political economy. That choice was celebrated by those theorists who wanted our own countries to move in the same direction. Eastern Europe suffered a decline of 50% in its GDP. Much earlier in 1653, Peter Stuyvesant had erected an earth and wooden wall to protect the westernmost settlement of a great commercial nation from those they imagined to be barbarians. In 1699 Stuyvesant’s barrier was dismantled by the British, who replaced it with a street named after the wall. So it came to be that one of the most inconsequential walls in history became one of history’s most famous streets. I am not sure if the Dutch had left some tulip bulbs on either side of the wall, perhaps as a reminder of capitalism’s first bubble, and an inspiration to later bubbles. However, many of the victims of the latest burst bubble are pretty keen to tear down that Wall.1 As in 1989, they want to take action against the guardians of the system that failed them. And the more they suffer, the more likely it is that they will demand radical change, and the more likely that the resulting change will go too far – as seems to have been the case in Eastern Europe after the terminal crisis of communism, and in the majority of democracies that fell in the dozen years following the Great Crash. The current reaction is so strong that some are even wondering what role there will be for markets. I was invited to address a conference in the EU Parliament last November on the topic ‘Capitalism: Quo Vadis?’, where I apologized to the international audience that the topic was posed in a dead European language because the answer to this question is not going to be determined by the west alone. The problems we have been addressing emerged in the west and have affected the rest. However, the answers will not come, solely from the west, and may even come primarily from the south and the east.

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Cyberbullying is a threat to student mental health and wellbeing. As predicted the consequences of cyberbullying have been shown to be more detrimental to students than traditional bullying because of the wider audience and the 24/7 nature of this form of bullying. It is becoming an increasingly vexatious problem for victims, students who bully, educators and parents. Parents and the community are turning to schools to provide preventative strategies and to manage incidents of cyberbullying. Some sections of the community believe there is a technological solution to the problem, or that the law should be overhauled to address the problem more effectively. However, bullying is a deeply embedded social relationship problem, of which cyberbullying is one form. Therefore, planned prevention and intervention strategies need to be considered in the context of the social relationships in the whole school community.

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A recurring finding within the research on same-sex intimate partner violence (IPV) is that victims rarely seek assistance from police or other service providers. A study by William Leonard et al (2008: 47) in Victoria, Australia, found that around two thirds of gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender victims did not report such violence. It also appears that men are less likely than women to seek help for IPV (Turell and Cornell-Swanson 2005:79–80), and for those that do, informal support networks are approached more often than formal services (Merrill and Wolfe 2000: 16; Farrell and Cerise 2006: 4).

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Over the last decade nations around the world have renewed their efforts to address the problem of human trafficking, following the introduction of the United Nations Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children. In Australia and the United States, legislators sought to quantify and characterise the human trafficking phenomenon, seeking to answer the question — how large is the problem of trafficking? This article explores the attempts of legislators in Australia and the United States to determine how many victims are trafficked into their countries, highlighting the significant uncertainty that still surrounds data on human trafficking. The challenges researchers face in measuring human trafficking are also explored. These challenges include disputes over the definition of a trafficking victim, the limitations of research using sampling to measure the trafficked population, and the mischaracterisation of the trafficking problem as a result of politicisation of the trafficking debate and a focus on trafficking for sexual exploitation versus other forms of labour. This article argues that in the absence of reliable data on trafficking, policy is often informed by misleading or false information.

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Community beliefs related to intentional injury inflicted by others were examined in a population-based telephone survey (n= 1032) in Queensland, Australia. Young adults 18-24 years were nominated as the most likely to be intentionally injured. 89.1% of respondents nominating this group believed that the injury incidents occur in alcohol environments. Though respondents from this age group also identified 18-24 yo as most likely to be intentionally injured, this was at a significantly lower level than did parents or 25-64 yo respondents. Responsibility for preventing injuries was placed on proprietors of licensed premises, schools and parents/family of the victim for alcohol, school and home environments respectively. Beliefs were aligned with prevalence data on intentional injury demonstrating a high level of awareness in the community about likely victims and situations where intentional injuries occur. Interventions could target families of young adults to capitalize on high levels of awareness about young adult vulnerability.

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Tomsen’s book Violence, Prejudice and Sexuality engages with important questions about sexuality and anti homosexual sentiment that criminologists have grappled with for some time. Tomsen’s work refines these questions in the context of essentialism, and notes how this concept has enabled only very specific ways of thinking about and analysing violence, prejudice, and sexuality. Indeed, thinking about the nexus between these three concepts are now almost taken for granted. As Tomsen demonstrates in his discussion of historical understandings of sexual desire, although social constructionism and queer perspectives have challenged essentialist notions of sexuality, research has in many respects upheld a binary understanding of heterosexuality as normal and homosexuality as abnormal. Interestingly, essentialist binaries like this have been conveniently employed in more recent times when activists align with minority status to gain basic human rights. While no one could deny the importance of access to rights and justice, Tomsen notes the danger inherent in arguments like this that draw on essentialism. He argues we are working through similar dichotomies of heterosexuality as normal and homosexuality as abnormal set up in very early research on sexual desire. The key difference now is that, in the rush towards public and political citizenship, ‘heterosexuals are recast as “perpetrators” and homosexuals as “victims”’ (Tomsen 2009: 16). Violence, Prejudice and Sexuality importantly notes this is no less an essentialist dichotomy and no less divisive....

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The use of electronic means of contact to support repeated aggressive behaviour by an individual or group, that is intended to harm others – or ‘cyberbullying’ as it is now known – is increasingly becoming a problem for modern students, teachers, parents and schools. Increasingly victims of face to face bullying are looking to the law as a means of recourse, not only against bullies but also school authorities who have the legal responsibility to provide a safe environment for learning. It is likely that victims of cyberbullying will be inclined to do the same. This article examines a survey of the anti-bullying policies of a small sample of Australian schools to gauge their readiness to respond to the challenge of cyberbullying, particularly in the context of the potential liability they may face. It then uses that examination as a basis for identifying implications for the future design of school anti-bullying policies.